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The ecology of Colobus guereza in Ethiopia is described. Data on group size from a number of localities are given, and groups are typically found to be one-male groups of 5-8 animals. The dynamics of one population are discussed with particular reference to birth and death rates and immigration and emigration. Daily activity patterns and use of home ranges are described. The ecological determinants of population density, group size and home range size are investigated.

It has long been canonical to deny the Phoenicians a place in the ranks of the true colonisers of the Western Mediterranean. ‘The expansion of the Phoenicians’, says Moscati, ‘and later of the Carthaginians was predominantly commercial with no intent of conquest, requiring no stable settlements or mass emigration of the population.’ And although Moscati goes on to qualify this statement by admitting that, of course, some stable settlements did ensue, they were, he says, ‘in no way dependent on the phenomenon of expansion’. Thus by this thesis the Phoenicians may set up ‘comptoirs’, ‘relais’, ‘escales maritimes’, ‘établissements’, ‘Erkundungsfahrten’, ‘Factorei’, ‘teste di ponti’ and ‘emporia’, but never anything which might qualify as a colony in Maunier's terms, as emigration plus government.

(1974). How We Learned to Love the Russians: American Media and the Soviet Union During World War II. The Historian: Vol. 36, No. 3, pp. 455-478.

Although considerable attention has been devoted to the history of the German colonial empire, the role of colonialist ideology has largely been neglected.1 A study of the ideas which were used to conceptualize colonial affairs can provide an important key to understanding the context in which colonial policy was made and can illuminate some otherwise obscure relationships between colonialism and wider trends in German history. In particular, the dichotomy which is revealed between two predominant German conceptions of colonialism suggests a similar dichotomy between the major trends of German imperialist ideology. This split in turn can be related to the dispute between "annexationist" and "moderate" imperialists in World War I, which indicates that the dispute had deep roots in general conceptions of German society. Between 1840 and 1906, two concepts of colonialism constituted the dominant colonial ideologies in Germany. For convenience, the two concepts can be called the "emigrationist" and the "economic" ideologies. The emigrationist theory prescribed overseas settlement colonies as the solution to a number of social problems, of which the most important was the Auswanderung, the massive nineteenthcentury emigration from Germany. Large numbers of Germans, displaced by economic and social changes in Germany, could settle as farmers in these colonies as an alternative to emigration to America or elsewhere. The settlement colonies would "protect" the emigrants' culture, retain their contributions to the German economy, and recreate overseas the type of traditional peasant society which many regarded as the basis of national power and which was threatened by the process of industrialization. The exportation of excess population would also lessen the possibility of political revolution in Germany. Emigrationist colonies were to be established in temperate regions. Their success was to be judged not so much on economic grounds as from their anticipated social effects on Germany. Their purpose implied a policy of displacing

Since 1897 we see that Slavonic zones know rural depopulation and a decrease in industrialization and urbanization ; thus, they get emigration. But we notice the contrary for moslem countries. Studying the last census, it appears that Slavonics move westward, and that russian speaking people are relatively diminuishing. So, important problems are to be seen in the future., Carrère D'encausse Hélène. Remarques sur l'évolution démographique récente des républiques musulmanes de l'URSS. In: Bulletin de l'Association de géographes français, N°420-421, 51e année, Novembre-décembre 1974. pp. 345-349.

(1974). The Colonial Land and Emigration Commission and Immigration to Jamaica 1840–1860. Caribbean Quarterly: Vol. 20, No. 3-4, pp. 39-58.

Tkis paper is aimed at analysis of the land reform and the changingpattern of agriculture in Sawanai basin, IWATE Prefecture. The land reform of about 90% of total cutivated fields started in the north, the west, and the east parts of this basin in 1928. Main works consisted of reconst-ruction of drainage, farm section, farm section, and farm lane. After the reform productivity of paddy increased conspicuously, but almost all villages of this basin were characterized by the mono-culture of paddy.Surplus of labour caused by mono-culture and mechanized agriculture generated emigration of village people to city areas.It can be concluded that the land reform introduced the dissolution of the traditional agriculture and promoted to grow the hierarchy of farmers.

This article has argued that under António Salazar Portuguese colonial policy was altered from one which envisaged the ultimate growth and development of the African colonies to one which emphasized colonial stability. Between 1928 and 1930 he took steps to diminish the role of foreign capital in the colonies, weaken the influence of special interest groups, restrict Portuguese emigration to the colonies, and bring colonial autonomy to an end. As a result of these measures, Salazar ensured that metropolitan Portugal would be the chief beneficiary of the exploitation of the Portuguese colonies.

There are two principal types of data sources on immigrants in Zambia: censuses taken almost decennially since 1911 and annual statistics of immigration and emigration. From these sources four indices of immigrant status in Zambia may be derived for various years: data on birthplace nationality citizenship and country of last permanent residence. Of these birthplace data are the most useful for this study. The other three measures present certain legal and practical difficulties. For example nationality and citizenship laws are complicated and as acknowledged in the 1951 population census "…nationality and citizenship analysis…reflects individual preferences rather than the true position" (Northern Rhodesia 1951 p. 15). In the Zambian context it is particularly helpful to consider birthplace data differentiated by three racial categories normally designated European Asian and African. Thus "European immigrants" are not necessarily those people who were born in Europe but are individuals of Caucasian race born outside Zambia. (excerpt)

The fourteenth-century compiler of the saga of Edward the Confessor, Saga Játvarðar konungs hins helga, supplemented his material on the king with history, anecdote and legend on various topics. His final chapter contains an account of the Anglo-Saxon emigration to Byzantium after the Norman Conquest. No historian doubts that this event took place. There is fairly full documentation from Byzantium itself and the accounts of the Anglo-Norman chronicler Orderic and the hagiographer Goscelin are not unknown. But in general the medieval chroniclers in England make no reference to it and the scholars who have worked on Játvarðar saga, perhaps insufficiently aware of supporting Byzantine evidence, have tended to dismiss the account as a fabrication. Gudbrand Vigfusson calls it ‘an extraordinary story’. Professor Jón Helgason writes, with a characteristic touch of fine disdain, that ‘the saga concludes with the episode of Earl Sigurðr of Gloucester, who after the Conquest left England, together with other English malcontents, and with the Greek emperor's consent settled in a country six days' journey north-east of Constantinople. Here they gave the towns such English names as London and York. The source of this far-fetched story is unknown.’ H. L. Rogers says no more than ‘evidently a similar tradition was known to the Anglo-Norman Ordericus Vitalis’.

Sadly, people have long constituted one of the most noteworthy 'export industries' in Scotland. In recent years successive governments have been pressed to take steps to arrest this outflow but despite the variety in the cures attempted the central problem remains—a lack of industrial growth, with a resulting movement of population to areas elsewhere in the UK, or abroad, where employment opportunities appear more assured. Indeed of all the regions in Britain, it is Scotland which exhibits the highest rate of net emigration. Yet curiously, the rate of gross emigration is extremely low in comparison with other areas, being most similar to South-East England. This emphasizes the small number of people who move into Scotland to live, as much as the size of the group who leave Scotland completely. The problem of emigration is such that, "Since 1951 Scotland has experienced a level and rate of net loss more severe than any other part of Britain, the total net loss being greater than for all the northern regions of England and Wales put together". (Johnson, Buxton, and Mair, 1971, p.223).

The Population Commission Reports (1971 p. 8; 1972 p. 114) focused attention on the size and impact of recent immigration. The Commission expressed concern because about 20 percent of population growth was being contributed by immigration. The same theme was taken up by Leslie Westoff (1973) in her New York Times article where she reported that 23 percent of the population growth in 1972 was due to immigration. There are serious questions about the appropriateness and interpretation of the measure used by the Commission and Westoff. Estimating the size of a component of population growth is an exercise in manipulating the elements of one form of the basic population equation: P(-2) = P(-1) + B – D + I – E where the population size at a point in time 2 (P(-2)) equals the population size at a previous point in time 1 (P(-1)) plus all the births (B) and immigration (I) minus all the deaths (D) and emigration (E) in the interval between time 1 and time 2. (excerpt)

T HE EXPERIENCE of Korean immigrants in the United States and Hawaii during the years 1903 to 1924 is unique in several respects. Their numbers, when compared with other East Asian immigrant groups, were relatively small.' Most, whether students or agricultural laborers, were Christians. More than half emigrated to Hawaii as plantation laborers at a time when the political structure of their home country was on the verge of collapse in the face of steadily increasing pressure from a rapidly modernizing Japan. Like most Asian emigrants, they were motivated by the hope of greatly improving their economic situation. Their emigration was encouraged, however, by a government which innocently hoped that, by doing so, it would somehow acquire a measure of prestige-and support from the United States. Within less than a decade, the Korean immigrants in America found themselves almost completely cutoff from their homeland and in danger of losing their ethnic identity to the Japanese, who had succeeded in annexing Korea. Their identity was preserved, however, by means of their increasingly politicized community organizations and their generally deep involvement in the Korean

This paper reviews the current immigration policy and the effects of that policy on demographic and economic characteristics of recent immigrants. The quality of the data on immigration is also discussed. The Immigration Act of 1965 introduced major changes into immigration policy such as the elimination of the national origins system and the making of family reunions a major goal of immigration policy. The age structure stage in the family life cycle and other socioeconomic variables are related to the fertility of the immigrants and their offspring and thus have a long-term impact on population size and composition. Data on annual immigrants are collected tabulated and published by the Immigration and Naturalization Service of the Department of Justice. The US has not collected emigration data since 1958. Estimates are made by the Bureau of the Census from reports of countries receiving the US emigrants. Data on immigrants who have left the US is also missing. The foreign-born women have recently had lower fertility rates than native-born women. The number and characteristics of immigrants have to be taken into account in population projections and estimates and social demographic and political implications need to be investigated and weighed in the formulation of policy. Better immigration data are needed however to achieve this goal.

The statistical material on which a study of emigration from Norway must be based is fairly good—at least for the period of mass-emigration from the 1860s onwards. From 1867 every emigration agent, every shipowner or charterer, in other words everybody who transported emigrants. to overseas countries, had to sign a contract with the emigrant. This contract was then examined and signed by the police in the port of emigration. Emigrant lists were kept by the police, who then passed on the information to the Bureau of Statistics. From 1867, therefore, emigration statistics are very complete. Not only do they supply total numbers but also break the figures down by sex and age, by urban and rural origin, etc. From 1876 further statistical data are available, providing the industries. and occupations of male emigrants. These data unfortunately are very incomplete throughout the 19th century—;the group ‘domestic work and common work of undefined nature’ accounting for more than 50 per cent of all emigra...

The Swedish Royal Social Board is a permanent organization whose members are appoined by the king for life. Its functions are to present to the government, after investigation, its decision upon measures within its field which are to come before the king in council, to provide information on questions referred to it, and to make researches and reports to the government officials. The Social Board consists of a general director and six bureaus. Bureau I has to do with the labor market, labor conciliation, arbitration work, emigration and immigration questions, housing conditions, alcohol problems. Bureau II handles questions relating to health and to protection from accident. Bureau III deals with the voluntary sickness associations and various mutual aid societies. Bureau IV keeps statistical reports on (1) collective agreements, strikes, and lockouts, (2) the development of the labor market, (3) changes in the cost of living, (4) the development of co-operative enterprises. The work of Bureau V is purely...

There is a story told in Wales of a certain John Jones, a stalwart of the local choir, who died and arrived up above just in time for a Heavenly Choir practice. He immediately took his place and, looking around, found that there were a thousand tenors, a thousand sopranos and a thousand contraltos but only himself in the bass. Nothing daunted, he gave of his best in the opening chorus until suddenly the Heavenly Conductor rapped on the podium and turning to John Jones, said, “Not quite ao loud in the bass, please, Mr. Jones”. It has been much the same in the field of emigration; for every John Jones who went to America, whole choirs of other nationalities flooded in, and, with a few exceptions, subsequent narrators of the story of the Welsh in America, have sung, on both sides of the Atlantic, very loudly in the bass. The quality of the Welsh contribution to the United States as against the quantity of that contribution has been bolstered by filio-pietistic writers who have claimed for the Welsh nation, Roger Williams (who was not a Welshman), many of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, Jefferson, Lincoln, Robert E. Lee, Jefferson Davies, John L. Lewis and Frank Lloyd Wright among many hundreds of other “eminent Welshmen”. Possibly the high water mark of such claims has been that of the discovery of America by Prince Madoc in the twelfth century, and the legend of the Welsh-speaking Welsh Indians, which was taken up again with great zeal in the nineteenth century and has lingered on to the present day despite the researches of Thomas Stephens which have reduced the claim to that of a romantic legend.

T HE area under consideration consists of I,Ioo square miles of the Madagali, Cubunawa, and Mubi districts of the northern touring division of Adamawa emirate, whose sub-headquarters at Mubi is responsible to the administrative capital at Yola on the River Benue. It is occupied by a heterogeneous population of fairly primitive pagans, and some 400 square miles of the area are still declared closed territory under the Unsettled Districts Ordinance. Though there is a steady, if unspectacular, movement down to the plains, a large proportion of the people remain in their mountain fastnesses whither they fled in the nineteenth century to seek safety from the marauding Fulani cavalry during the slave-raids that characterized the period between the jihad and the British occupation. A further explanatory note must be added to this background. One of the principal economic features of Northern Nigeria is the annual exodus of cin rani, a dry-season emigration of labour. Between November and March men and youths travel hundreds of miles to work as seasonal labourers; they are to be seen all over Nigeria and even in neighbouring territories. In Northern Adamawa there is an extended form of cin rani, known locally as tafiyar dandi. The objects of this journeying ' abroad ', i.e., beyond the limits of the tribal area, are twofold: first, to acquire tax-money, in which case a man may be away for only a few weeks or months; secondly, to see the world and at the same time to save up enough money to pay the brideprice, in which case a youth will not return to his tribal compound for two or three years. Cin rani is characteristic of many pagan tribes. Here we are concerned with it only in so far as it touches on the economics of taxpaying and as it influences marriage payments, but its importance in the overall economy cannot be overstressed. We shall consider one or two villages that typify the economy of each of the three districts under review, and examine the method of raising tax-money in 1954, a prosperous and ' easy ' year throughout Adamawa province. The primary produce of the whole area is groundnuts, which form the very substantial basis of the peasants' cash economy; they were at this time fetching ?35 a ton on the scales of the local licensed agents. Tur is a village-area at the very north-eastern corner of Madagali district, nestling on top of the 3,500 ft. Mandara range that divides the Matakam plateau of French territory from the Yedseram valley. The majority of this tribe live in the French village of Touru, which lies about a mile away, opposite the British village of Zira, and is connected with Mokolo by road. Zira, the Tur stronghold on this side of the frontier

This is a study of 400 forms of application for assisted migration to New Zealand, received at the New Zealand Migration Office in London from residents of the United Kingdom during two months in 1953. Such a source can give information converning some of the characteristics of would-be emigrants. The results suggest that the commonly accepted characteristics of migrants can be seen at the stage of making the initial application, although there is also the suggestion that the conditions of the scheme themselves constitute a selective factor.

1. Field data oIn an amphibious crab, Pachyqrapsits crassipes Randall, indicate strong aggressive and spacing tendencies in tide pool lpoptllations. 2. Laboratory observations confirmed these data as to the high level of aggression. But a marked difference in behavior was noted when crabs were in or were out of water. Under the latter conditions, aggressiveness is diminished and replaced by a tendency to aggregate. 3. Further experiments were done in a simulated tide pool within a larger tank. Groups of 5, 10, 15, and 20 crabs were released and emigration vs. residence recorded after 2-hour periods. 4. Dispersal appears to be related directly to initial density, the amount of emigration being greater in the larger groups.

WHEN THE NEWS of the gold discoveries in California filtered back to the "States" in the late summer of 1848 a considerable number of people were thrilled at the prospect of abolishing poverty from their particular world by going overland or by sea to that Utopia on the Pacific. One man spoke for many when he said: " 'I believe I'll go. I know most of this talk is wildly exaggerated, but I am sensible enough to discount it and to disbelieve absurd stories.... In fact, if I don't pick up more than a hatful of gold a day I shall be perfectly satisfied.' "' The news came too late for people of the Mississippi Valley and the Atlantic Coast to emigrate that fall, but it came in time to allow a good deal of planning to be done around the firesides and cracker barrels that winter. For those living outside the Mississippi Valley it seemed practicable to go by sea, round Cape Horn, or mostly by sea, crossing the Isthmus of Panama or some other narrow part of the continent. But to the great group of hopefuls living along the outstretched arms of the Mississippi River the way to Eldorado was by overland trail, and especially by the central overland route up the Platte River. For many years the political frontier had been the Rocky Mountains, except in the Pacific Northwest where the United States shared claims with other powers. By the time of the gold rush the westward movement, long poised on a geographic dead center on the edge of the Great Plains and Indian country, had begun to skip great distances. Already Americans were in Texas, Utah, Oregon, California, and New Mexico. Already the mountain men, explorers, and emigrants had found the great trails leading to the Transmontane West. The central overland route was well traced by those foot-loose Americans whom Edmund Burke once feared would become the nomads and the Cossacks of the English-speaking frontier. Up the Platte had gone the Mormons, Oregonians, and early emigrants to California, and from these emigrations had come not only a broader trail but knowledge of travel to many accustomed to living in

The intensive effort put into research in emigration history in the Scandinavian countries during the late 1960s is beginning to show results: as regards Sweden, both these studies are important and both deal with an early phase of emigration which was characterised to a high degree by the settlement of the agricultural regions of the Middle West. Ljungmark deals in particular with the interests which attempted to accelerate settlement (especially the big land-grant railways), while Beijbom concentrates on the ‘Swedish colony’ in Chicago.

The International Co-ordination Committee for European Migratory Movements has recently made an inquiry into the extent to which agricultural emigrants from particular regions of Italy successfully adapt themselves to conditions in different parts of France. The intimate relation of productivity to personal adjustment of the immigrant to his new surroundings is recognized. Factors found to be important include climate, type of crop, species of draught animal, diet, language and standard of living. The technical rather than the juridical aspect of the agricultural holding is emphasized. The problem of international regional concordances is a complex one, but the results of study of a particular aspect, such as the conditions of agricultural labour, promise to be of considerable value both in the administration of international migration and in the raising of agricultural productivity.

Throughout most of the nineteenth and the early years of the twentieth centuries, sugar planters in the colonies of Britain, France and Holland obtained their labour from India under a government-sponsored scheme of indentures. The planters of St. Croix, one of the Danish West Indian islands, attempted to solve their labour problem in a similar way, and in 1863 brought 321 Indian labourers to work on the sugar plantations. But the experiment with Indian labourers was not successful, and there was no further recruitment from India. This essay deals with some aspects of Indian emigration to St. Croix and examines the circumstances which led to the failure of the project.

Chiburi, one of the Okinoshimas, covers about 13km2, and lies some 40km north of the Shimane Peninsula. This small island is lived in by 1, 214 people (1970), the inhabitants shows dden decrease since 1955 (2138 people), and the percentage of old age people has remarkably increased.In four villages among seven villages in all on the island dependent on agriculture and fishery inhabitants decreased between 1965 and 1970. It is cauesd by emigration. Young people left their villages for new jobs and old age people women remain to support their farms, while the villages have lost fishing labourers. therefore, farming is the principal occupation today, but it is not industrialized. In the farming as a principal occupation, in general, products are produced in a commercial basis. However, products of these four villages are mainly selfsufficient and cultivated for poor cash income. The writer calls this type poor agriculture as principal occupation the specialized farming of the depopulated are.

May I begin with a personal introduction to the theme of this evening's lecture, the encounter between continental pietism and New England Puritanism? I began teaching Church history at the Martin Luther University in Halle-Wittenberg in 1932. There I had the opportunity to study the archives of August Hermann Francke, in the old library of Francke's orphanage. These archives were in a state of highly inspiring disorder, for there were chances of all kinds of unforeseen discoveries, both in the many boxes containing Francke's correspondence and on the shelves holding all the books sent to this head of pietism by his friends all over the world. At first, I studied his correspondence with ministers, scholars, bishops and generals in Russia and the Baltics, publishing an article about Francke in Russia. Then I came across some boxes which held an enormous mass of material connected with New England, letters to German ministers and German communities in Pennsylvania, diaries of emigrants, together with letters in English from Puritan theologians and New England missionaries. I was especially interested in Francke's correspondence with Cotton Mather.

Geriatric medicine in Britain has developed rapidly under the National Health Service and hundreds of new geriatric units have been established to meet the increasing needs of the aged sick. The proportion of elderly persons is increasing in all Western societies, and medicine now faces the consequences of its scientific successes. The traditional pattern of medical services is inadequate to cope with the load of chronic illness in all age groups, and particularly in geriatric medicine the old concept of disease being either acute, chronic, or mental, perforce has to be changed. Geriatric medicine in Britain had initially to overcome reactionary attitudes to elderly infirmities and to counter the automatic fatalistic responses that previously characterized the medical and nursing care of the aged sick. The growth of geriatric services in Britain has been paralleled by improvements in the social welfare of the elderly, and close liaison between the medical and social services is necessary for the adequate management and rehabilitation of geriatric patients. The pattern of geriatric medical services has to be related to local needs, and although the basic format of such services is common to all, varying geographic and demographic features must be taken into account. This is particularly true of resort, retirement, and rural areas. In the affluent society modern retirement emigration from urban sprawl has raised new problems in the health services for the elderly.

TETMsg|URiNG the two years following the announcement of the BhP9 California gold strike in Hong Kong in 1848, the Chinese jj^^li did not emigrate to North America in great numbers. By 1850, however, the Chinese had been attracted sufficiently by the stories of wealth and high wages to accept seriously the idea of coming to California to better their positions. Although in 1850 there were only 6601 Chinese in California, by 1860 the number had increased to 34,933 and by 1870 had reached 49,277.2 Largely from the working classes, the "Celestials"3 were given, at first, a cordial welcome in San Francisco. By 1852, the reception had become less friendly, especially in the mining areas where the anti-foreign feeling came to be directed primarily against the Chinese. The famous Foreign Miners Tax whs an excellent example of early state discriminatory legislation that attempted to force these Orientals from the mining camps.

In February 1276, the Southern Sung capital Lin-an (modern Hang-chou) fell to the Mongols, and the last Sung emperor, Chao Hsien (Kung-ti ), was taken captive. With the aid of its loyal ministers, the remaining members of the royal house fled to the south. In June the nine-year-old Chao Cheng was enthroned in Foochow as emperor (Tuan-tsung ). However, with high officials in Fukien defecting one after the other to the Mongols, the royal house was forced before long to retreat by sea further south to Kwangtung. In March 1277 the Sung stronghold at Canton also fell and the imperial family hastily fled to Mei-wei , in the vicinity of the present-day Kowloon peninsula of Hong Kong. In November, under the mounting pressure of the Mongols, they retreated south-west along the Kwangtung coast. Since Chao Hsien was never likely to resume control and there seemed to be some chance of taking refuge in the vassal kingdoms of Champa and An-nam (in present-day Vietnam), there followed a flurry of Chinese emigration. The tragedy of the last Sung emperor has evoked much sympathy in history, but the story of the migration and search for refuge of some Sung officials has not been fully explored. This paper attempts to give a descriptive account and present a brief analysis of the background factors which shaped the course of migration, as well as its impact on the increased Chinese cultural influence in Vietnam.

The alien population of the United States on June 30, 1945 is estimated on the basis of the 1940 alien registration; reported arrivals, departures and naturalizations of aliens after 1940; and an estimate of alien mortality. The estimate refers to the de jure rather than the de facto alien population, for it does not include temporary visitors and aliens illegally in the United States. The problem of estimating the number of aliens is shown to differ in several respects from that of estimating the total population. Although immigration, emigration, naturalizations and deaths are the major sources of change in the size of the alien population, an examination of immigration and nationality law and of official statistics reveals no less than 25 classes of alien arrivals, departures and changes of citizenship status that are not included in the officially reported totals of immigration, emigration and naturalization. Allowance for certain of these special classes of alien movements should be made in ...

(1952). A Study in Assisted Emigration: New Zealand Labour Politics, 1840–1843. Political Science: Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 32-39.

A land-use map (Pl. I), compiled by geography students during field courses, shows the minute size of fields, caused by extensive subdivision on the river plain, and by uneven distribution of till and the occurrence of bogs in the adjoining hills. The map reflects the limited resource potential for agriculture. Productivity cannot be substantially increased through consolidation, nor can development of forestry solve the employment problem. Emigration and migration of labour to the USA used to be an important recourse, but has virtually ceased. The majority of scattered small farms in the hill country have no foreseeable future, unless some tie-up can be organized with development of these parts for recreation.

T HE situation in China itself is more and more reflected in the communities of the overseas Chinese in southeastern Asia. Perhaps as many as ten million Chinese, who have in the past been identified with the agriculture, industry, and trade of the southern regions, are now prime targets in Mao Tse-tung's drive for power. Who are these Chinese? Under what local political conditions do they live? What are their relations with China? What are their opinions about the Kuomintang and the Communists? How is the Peking government seeking to utilize them as reserves in the accomplishment of the revolution? A reasonable estimate of the overseas Chinese includes 3,000,000 in Thailand, 1,000,000 in French Indochina, 300,000 in Burma, 2,800,000 in Singapore and the Federation of Malaya, 2,000,000 in Indonesia, and 250,000 in the Philippines. Their numbers give no clue to their economic importance. Their activities range from hewing of wood and tilling of the soil to those of rubber kings, tin barons, and merchant princes. "Wherever you find three coconut trees you will find a Chinese trader." Chinese in southeast Asia control or have a large stake in the trade in rice, rubber, and tin; they own a large share of the capital investment; and they are usually the creditors of the less provident indigenous peoples. Some Chinese are very poor, perhaps just a stage above the contract laborers; some are coolies and jinrikisha pullers; others are craftsmen or small shopkeepers; and a very few are multimillionaires. They are very clannish, tending to find their most intimate friends in their own secret societies, trade guilds, and charitable organizations. Often they form a distinct, unassimilable portion of the local population. As conditions remain chaotic in China, the emigrants have less desire to return to the old country. It is becoming increasingly difficult to send remittances home or to

In the early part of the eighteenth century there was quite an imigration of German people from Bavaria to that part of our country which is now included in the state of Georgia. Like the Mayflower emigration from Holland this one was also a religious movement. An effort was made to exclude unworthy people from these companies. However, in one such company, in 1739, a family managed to be included who belonged to this latter class. Instead of being religious in profession, as were the others, they were indolent, ignorant and superstitious. Their name, which is variously given as Gist, Guest, Guess or Gisb, was destined to be perpetuated by a singular combination of circumstances. Soon after their arrival there was born to them a son to whom the name of George was given. He grew up the black sheep of the community. Their home was within the limits of the great Cherokee nation. Trading privileges with the Indians was closely guarded by the whites. George Guest, as he was called, sought such a peddler's license, but being held in low repute, he was refused. This did not seem to worry him in the least and he became a contraband trader. In 1768 he started on a trading trip through the Cherokee nation. While on this trip, he married an Indian maiden, after the loose manner of the times. They lived together for a number of months, but tiring of his bargain, the German peddler quietly stole away one night and was never afterwards heard from. In 1770 there was born to this deserted wife a boy baby. In the soft language of the Cherokee people she named him Sequo-yah, which means "he guessed it." This Indian woman was possessed of more than ordinary intelligence and energy. Her family were among the leading spirits of the nation. The love which would have been given to the husband, was now bestowed upon the child. As he grew up

The passive phase of Sepsis cynipsea (L.) differs from that of Scatophaga stercoraria L. in that it is pre-, not postcopulatory, though both appear to have evolved through intra-male competition. Male S. cynipsea which 'established a claim' to females for a possible eventual copulation would have had a high selective advantage over males which waited until females had finished oviposition before mounting. The most advantageous male strategy would, however, be a postcopulatory passive phase of the Scatophaga type. Unlike Scatophaga, the female rejection reactions in S. cynipsea are highly effective in preventing copulation; though they frequently fail to prevent mounting. For this reason, and because the precopulatory passive phase is advantageous to the female in avoiding rejection delay during oviposition, the nett result of intrasexual selection should stabilize at a precopulatory passive phase. This is providing that at least some of the females guarded during oviposition will afterwards mate. Emigration from the dung to the surrounding grass after oviposition is effected by the female. This behaviour reduces the rates of attack and 'take-over' (where the original male is displaced by another male), but because copula duration is related to temperature and the dung is hotter than the surrounding grass, there would be a nett time gain in staying on the dropping. The adaptive significance of emigration may be to reduce exposure to predation, the chances of which appear to be much higher on the dung than in the grass.

(1972). The Soviet Union in Asia. The Adelphi Papers: Vol. 12, East Asia and the World System. Part I: The Superpowers and the Context Papers from the IISS 14th Annual Conference, pp. 9-12.

Over the last decade a revolution has taken place in American economic history, and a new generation of economic historians has arisen who take a sceptical attitude towards the traditional interpretations and feel that the ‘new economic history’ must be firmly grounded in sound statistical data whereever possible, make use of new statistical techniques and, above all, bring to bear the tools of theory in an imaginative way. To them, far too many issues have been decided more on the basis of folk-lore than of rigorous research – the timing of the ‘take-off’, the economic consequences of the Civil War, the effects of the Public Lands policies, for example. Even a scholar of the eminence of Harper measured the burden of British policy upon the colonies without any use of incidence theory, in other words without studying the elasticity of demand for the commodities concerned and so discovering where the burden of taxation would finally fall. Perhaps it all sounds very forbidding, and certainly some of their work is difficult to follow, but the best explanation and justification of the new approach comes from its most eminent exponent, R. W. Fogel. In the preface to his latest book he states ‘I do not mean to suggest that the highly detailed, explicitly theoretical and qualitative type of analysis presented herein is the only useful type of economic history. In the exploration of large and complex historical phenomena, impressionistic surveys are extremely valuable. The essays in this volume could not have been written without ‘the enormous pre-existing literature on railroads, much of which is loosely constructed.’ He goes on to say that the aim is to quantify what can be quantified, and to seek to identify areas where the models of theoretical economics can be called upon for help, especially where the problems of collecting data are particularly acute. The need for accurate statistical information cqn be seen by a brief look at Professor Habakkuk's challenging book on British and American technology in the nineteenth century. He uses the usual historian's technique of calling upon contemporary opinions to show that American labour costs were higher than British, the starting point of his whole analysis. Yet he never seeks to discover by how much they were higher and in what sectors. Indeed, if we look at Moore's book on the Wai them Company, we find the founder writing from Liverpool in 1857 ‘We can hardly offer any inducement for an Englishman to emigrate, as workmen in our line, as well as most trades similar such as jewellery manufacture, etc., are getting quite as good pay… as they could with us.’ This is only one fragment, reliable enough because the writer was actually seeking labour, but probably unusual. All the same it calls for explanation. As George Rogers Taylor has pointed out, if labour in America was so scarce, why is it that non-farm wages rose so mildly in the decades preceding 1860? No progress will be made, quite obviously, without an immense amount of quantitative work and yet in the answers lie some of the most fundamental issues in the whole of American history.

In the distinguished account of the last generation of research into emigration which Professor Thistlethwaite presented to the International Congress of History held in Stockholm in 1960, the hist...

The purpose of the paper is to provide more firmly based estimates of some aspects of Canadian population growth. In Part I estimates are derived of the natural increase in the Canadian population by decades from 1851 to 1931 based on survival rates derived from life tables. The figures on natural increase then permit the derivation of net migration estimates. In Part II new estimates of immigration are developed that, together with the net migration figures of Part I, yield estimates of emigration by decades. Part III tests some of the results by an examination of the limited information available on other aspects of Canada's economic development in the period.The life table is a basic tool of population study. The most recent application of the life table to the problem of the reconstruction of Canadian population growth was made by Nathan Keyfitz. While the same method is used here, we feel that we have made more realistic assumptions in deriving a life table designed to represent the mortality characteristics of early Canadian populations.

At many places on the coast of the Noto Peninsula, there was produced a great deal of salt every year, before the beginning of the Meiji Era (1868-1912). All of the salt produced went to the Kaga Feudal Lord, and in return for the salt the workers received rice. The method of salt-making in the Noto Peninsula has been called Agehama salt-making. The rice received in return for the salt was called Shiotemai. There were many social and economic problems in the salt-making and the receiving of the Shiotemai. Taking Uedo-mura, Suzu-gun (county), a village located on the coast of the Noto Peninsula, I have discussed in this article the following five aspects: 1. The salt-bed owners. The salt-makers were owners both of salt-beds and crop lands. Their numbers were about one fifth of all farmers. They owned relatively large farms and employed many workers from among those farmers who had only small farms or no land at all for their salt-making industry. People without land were called the Atamafuri in the domain of the Kaga Clan. 2. The relation between the salt-making industry and the keeping of horses. The percentage of the numbers of horses which had been bred by the saltmakers was larger than that of the ordinary farmers. Many more horses were needed in salt-making than in agriculture in Uedo-mura, because great amounts of fuel for salt-making had to be carried by horses. Fuel for salt-making was called Shioki and greater part of Shioki consisted of wood and brush. 3. The forests in Uedo-mura. In the Feudal System of the Kaga Clan, it was prohibited to cut down some species of trees, even when there were in forests used by the farmers. But the need for salt-making was so great that many forests of the farmers were left unplanted and turned iuto brushwood. 4. Self-supporting agriculture. There are no data about the sort of crops produced except for rice, in Uedo-mnura, but we may presume what the conditions were from data of the near by villages. Probably all sorts of crops needed in the daily life of the coastal people were planted. According to the data from the near-by village, it is of interest to note that some cotton, tea, and tabacco were planted. 5. Seasonal emigrants. It was very difficult to make a living only fromm agriculture or from working in the salt-making industry. Terefore, many peasants or farmers of small farms were accustomed to become seasonal emigrants. For example, Minamikata, a part of Uedo-mura, had fifty-eight emigrants in 1854. The greater number of them were employed in the breweries in Goshu (the Shiga Prefecture of Today). The chief of each little group of emigrants was called the Toji. In short, farmers and peasants under the, Feudal System were regulated strictly, but they did their best under these conditions.

The habitat of the Bor Khámtis, who are said to number 20,000, is in a valley high up the Irrawaddy, in latitude 27° and 28° east of Sadiya. The Khámtis that we know in Assam are those that have emigrated from “Bor Khámti” and have settled in Assam after the breaking up of the kingdom of Pong by Alomphra. These settlers established themselves early in this century on the “Tenga pani” (a river in, the vicinity of Sadiya), with the permission of the Ahom kings. Before proceeding further, it will be interesting to note that this Khámti movement is the second instance of Tai emigration that we have on record. Some considerable time previously the Ahoms, who spoke a language much akin to the Khamti tongue, and who are also of the Tai race, made an irruption over the Pátkoi range and invaded and conquered Assam. The Khámtis, who had apparently been given hospitality by the Ahoms because they were almost kinsmen, before long rose against the Ahom king, and ejected the Ahom governor of Sadiya or “Sadiya Khówa Gohain.” The Khámti chief took the governor's place and retained it. The Ahom king, not being strong enough to oust the Khámti usurper, had to recognize him. During the rule of this chief the local Assamese were reduced to slavery, and they were not released till our own Government interfered in 1839. Out of revenge the Khámtis rebelled against our Government, and the Sadiya garrison, including its commander, Col. White, was surprised and cut up.