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The year 2023 in Israel started with illiberal constitutional change efforts by the new right-wing government and concluded with a brutal attack by Hamas terrorists and the subsequent war. Both occurrences galvanized two massive surges of civil society activism. The first was a mass protest that impeded the government's undemocratic legislation. The second was a large- scale mobilization to support a variety of populations affected by the war, providing services and goods that supplanted the failed governmental crisis response. Using a Serving Elite perspective and elaborating on this concept in the Israeli context, the paper analyzes the organizations that transitioned overnight from protest to service delivery. While these are two known roles played by civil society in general, such a transition from protest to support within the same organization is unusual, if at all existent. The paper analyses nineteen (19) in-depth interviews with leaders of 10 prominent organizations active in the protest and the aid phases. It explores their participants, forms of organizing, activities, ideologies, and interconnections, particularly emphasizing the transition. Thematic analysis of the interviews revealed the emergence of a new Serving Elite in the making, liberal in orientation, and developed during the crises. This perspective provides an opportunity to highlight processes deeply embedded in Israel's social, political, and cultural landscapes, changing elites and power relations, and Israel's culture of entrepreneurship. It also provides a framework for analyses of serving elites in other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutions worldwide call for joint actions of multiple actors in partnerships to accelerate the transitions towards sustainable food systems and reach food security for everybody, allways. This requires insights into co-creating processes. Here, 52 European food system cases are analyzed. A methodology based on the game structure is used that permits standardizing data collection and extracting generic and cases-specific findings. Game building blocks correspond with key elements of co-creation processes, like defining mutually accepted objectives, engaging in types of activities, and efficient use of resources, boundary conditions, timings, and scales of operations. Results further indicate that different types of inclusive partnerships emerge, in which especially innovative private, including smallholders, and academic actors cocreate value, all contributing to sustainability. The public and civil society actors emerge as important initiators, enablers, and organizers of scales of interaction, allowing generating snowball effects. Findings lead to an adapted concept for co-creating partnerships in food systems and recommendations for the European Partnership on sustainable food systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the relationship between grassroots non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the authoritarian state of China in terms of mobilizingpolicy changes in response to the climate crisis. It focuses on the advocacystrategy of NGOs and seeks to explain how NGOs in China use their expertise asthe entry point to establish policy networks with the country's most influential policymakers and experts. Greenovation Hub (G:hub) is the case study for this investigation. I used the policy networks framework to look into the interaction between G:hub and other experts. I discovered that mutually aligned policy objectives are the key for the effectiveness of NGOs' expert advocacy strategy of constructing policy networks within the expert community in China. Cooperating with other experts can help NGOs create an "insider" role for themselves. In addition, this research also discussed the conditions for NGO inclusion. I found opportunities and limitations linked to the alignment of NGOs' policy objectives with the state's vision for climate policy. The research conducted by NGOs also faced rejection if it failed to identify the state's priorities, highlighting the limitations of this approach. The significance of this finding is that the expertise strategy works for policy advocacy regardless of regime type, but that accessing policy networks are even more vital in a closed policymaking process. This case study further enhances the comprehension of the policy influence that NGOs have on the climatic effects of China's overseas development policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In various European countries, the post-fascist nationalist and populist parties identified by Ignazi in the early 1990s 'silent counter-revolution' now hold power, at least as part of coalitions. The values they represent can no longer be described as marginal to the national conversations on identity, immigration and security, issues that revolve around racialized understandings of the social world. In recent years we have observed similar phenomena in the Americas and Asia (with the Trump, Bolsonaro and Modi regimes). Moreover, state actors and social movements have developed initiatives aimed at undermining and reversing any small--sometimes symbolic--progress made toward equality. Various attacks on academic concepts relating to racism in the UK, France and the USA, for example, are not isolated stand-alones but elements of a global pushback against such ideas, orchestrated and encouraged by the nationalist political right, working through media, government and funded civil society organisations. These discourses redraw national identity to portray antiracist work as unpatriotic and indeed threatening to the nation. One of the strands in France's long and fractious conversation about its colonial history and postcolonial present has constructed an opposition between republican values and Muslims. The American right's long war on racial equality has generated a campaign to eradicate 'critical race theory' from education. These two examples illustrate and identify common elements and specifics in a global trend whereby the concepts used by activists and social scientists to understand and frame struggles for racial equality are deliberately and strategically invalidated and vilified in the public domain, and ideologically produced as un-patriotic. I call this discourse 'anti-anti racism'. These efforts are part of wider campaigns, or 'counter acts', aimed at reversing progressive political gains from the last half century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic tolerance has been used for their own destruction in Hungary. Gradually, various forms of crisis management have become the very nature of the governing political parties since 2010. Under the framework of Carl Schmitt's enemy-friend dichotomy, the Orbán regime has created its own "enemies" partially among those who would never be thought to be a threat to a constitutional democracy but to be considered its foundational elements (political opposition, NGOs, free media, etc.). This article shows how emergency powers and autocratic legalism were misused against civil society. There is one simple goal for the Hungarian autocratic regime: defending "our democracy" against "them," who would still like to promote liberal democracy and the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last 23 years, Russian President Vladimir Putin's autocracy has revealed a set of interlocking gender systems that have come to the fore particularly vividly since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. How, this article asks, have the masculinist cultural and political practices of the Putin regime undermined democratic practices and engagement broadly speaking? How have they organized Russian state and society in ways that have led to today's war in Ukraine with its massive destruction, violence, and brutality? And have there been earlier signals that should have warned observers that this regime might undertake such a war of aggression? Drawing on public, mass media data, this article analyzes the gendered structures of power in Russia that have contributed to the degeneration of democracy in three main areas: (1) male-on-male domination in discourse and practice that supports Putin's personal rule and emasculates his enemies; (2) the elevation of male power clans, including the President's personal praetorian guard and the Russian private military companies; and (3) the overall taming and emasculation of the Russian Parliament combined with the elevation of tough women deputies, whom I call the Baba Commissars. These female MPs support the President's domination by creating an appearance of a threatening outside world that needs to be kept at bay. At the same time, they support a neo-traditional gender order with women managing the house under the direction of the patriarchal male leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how non-citizen minorities experience military service, focusing on children of international labor migrants who served in the Israel Defense Forces. During the 1990's, Israel witnessed an influx of migrant workers, primarily from the Philippines, Latin America and Africa. However, due to Israeli immigration policies, neither they nor their Israeli-born children were eligible for citizenship. Consequently, upon reaching the age of 18, unlike their Israeli peers, these children were not recruited into the army. Furthermore, they lived under constant threat of deportation. Due to advocacy by civil society organizations, in 2006 and 2010 the government granted civic status (permanent residency) to approximately 1,500 children. This made them eligible for military service, a somewhat unique situation globally. Upon completion of their first year of military service, they were eligible for Israeli citizenship and their immediate family members were eligible for permanent residency. Through qualitative and quantitative research, we examine inclusion and belonging amongst children of migrant workers who served in the military. Our findings suggest that military service enabled them to overcome the exclusionary boundaries they experienced as children in three ways. Firstly, they achieved formal belonging by receiving citizenship. Secondly, they achieved informal belonging through the cultural and social capital this service accrued within Israeli society. Finally, for some, military service deepened their knowledge of Judaism and, in certain cases, led to conversion, thus fostering religious belonging. These three aspects facilitated inclusion and a sense of belonging for these formerly marginalized children while also enhancing their legitimacy within Israeli society. This unique case study contributes to ongoing global debates about the experiences of minority groups in the military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article utilizes 40 in-depth interviews of healthcare workers (HCWs) including Kenyan nurses, medical doctors, psychologists, pharmacists, refugee NGO officers, and others based in Nairobi who come in professional contact with Congolese and Somali refugees on a regular basis. They were asked to describe barriers to healthcare, care seeking behaviors, and pathways to care that refugees experience. These responses are juxtaposed with 60 life-history interviews, exploring the same topics with Congolese and Somali refugees living in Kawangware and Eastleigh estates. In short, this article argues that refugees and HCWs have a shared understanding of the barriers to healthcare for displaced people, such as poverty, refugee documentation issues, and inadequacy of Nairobi's healthcare system for marginalized populations. However, there is a significant disconnect in perspectives for how healthcare integration should take place regarding major causes of ill health, such as malnutrition and poor hygiene. Refugees understand oppression as a primary structural determinant of health, whereas many HCWs take an individualized view, advocating for modifications of knowledge and behaviors of refugees rather than adjusting structural issues. This is reflective of larger processes, whereby refugees are actively "(dis)integrated" by state and society and are observed by many Kenyans as "(mis)integrating," or integrating "wrongly" or "badly," which has major implications for how to shape possible policy interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]