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Borderlands are the geographical spaces or zones around a territorial border between nations. Defined by the borders that create and maintain the nation–state, the borderlands are the sites in the making, continually moulded, transformed or reconstructed by the social actors inhabiting them. Going beyond the boundary lines, borderlands encapsulate a much broader area where the impact of happenings at the border is felt and reverberated. Borderlands are of different types. They are classified as 'alienated' when dominated by conflict, hostility, insecurity and instability, as in parts of northwest India, particularly in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) since 1947–1948. The border between India and Pakistan in J&K called the 'Line of Control' (LoC), is a de facto and not an international boundary and remains contested, disturbed, militarised and controlled. The borderlands surrounding it have witnessed many wars, war-like situations and displacement of people with several socio-economic ramifications. The post-colonial state tried to settle these conundrums of border-making but got entangled in the persistent and escalating crisis of intractable border disputes. The state and the media reconstructed and reproduced the rhetoric of nationalism and national security, sustaining the conflict and border entanglements. This paper argues for an alternative discourse to understand the crises of conflict based on people's lived experiences, border formation and displacement in the wake of the partition of India and thereafter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper engages on the assemblage of timber production and transaction at Indo (Naga)-Myanmar borderland, Manipur state, Northeast India, an emerging tributary of India’s Act East Policy, yet characterized by several marginalities in terms of state development parameters [and governance] entwist in historically militarized setting. The paper primarily looks at different factors, actors, flows, and drivers of timber production and transaction across the Indo-Myanmar border from the Sagaing region, Myanmar, to Manipur, India. Rather, this cycle and flows of timber coalesced with economic and geopolitical intricacies of the borderland thereby engender occupation of multiple authorities and governments. The paper provides an account of how these different authorities negotiate and co-regulate over the production and taxation of timber to meet certain revenue goals and aspirations beyond the normative understanding of legality and illegality – frontier of a kind in its own might. In reference to this network of timber trade, the paper further dwells into conversation of everyday experiences of militarization, livelihoods, village roads, and infrastructures are closely entangled around timber production, transaction, and its allied activities. In a nutshell, the paper argues that timber trade at borderland represent an assemblage of multifaceted realities and practices around the intricate socio-political and economic dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Brexit-driven remaking of some EU families into mixed-status families. Drawing on original research conducted in 2021–2022 with British, EU/EEA and non-EU/EEA citizens living in the UK or the EU/EEA, it shows how families whose members have previously enjoyed equal rights to freedom of movement across the EU/EEA variously negotiate the consequences of Brexit on their lives. Central to our analysis is the interplay between hardening borders and the stickiness of family relations, and its effects on families' migration and settlement projects. The article brings to the fore these emerging entanglements offering a much-needed relational analysis of the impact of Brexit on the directly affected populations, while contributing more widely to expanding the existing scholarship on mixed-status families, by attending to the peculiar ways in which families whose members previously enjoyed equal status under EU law have experienced their transformation into subjects with unequal rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the life-stories and identity narratives of Turks of Western Thrace (Greece) focusing on the role of the Turkish–Greek border and its changing permeability. It suggests that people who have strong attachments to both sides of a national border experience spatial liminality and the border is a place of passage between not only territories, but also lived identities. For young Turks of Western Thrace, travelling to Turkey to work or study is an established strategy that is intertwined with major life events. Drawing on ride-along interviews and focusing on five participants, who travelled to Turkey during the Cyprus crisis, the article identifies the disciplinary power of bordering on identities and life-stories. By examining how different individuals dealt with this power, and how their circumstances affected the outcomes, it explores the tensions between agency and structure, state power and resistance, and categorisation and liminality during life-planning and identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses differential inclusion as it relates to mobility in Europe through migrants' experiences of the closure of the European Union (EU) Schengen borders during the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on 36 comparative online interviews with three groups of migrants – Erasmus students, asylum seekers and seasonal workers – the article empirically investigates how differential inclusion is reflected in migrants' perceptions of border closures and the impact of border closures on international mobility. Drawing on the concept of differential inclusion, I examine the divergent border mobilities in a moment of crisis. In the interviews, migrants' reflections on borders are informed either by their own perception of borders, their surprise at the lack of awareness of borders for other migrants, or the realisation that closed borders are crossed for capitalist economic demands under high health risks. Taking this as its basis, the article makes two arguments. First, that preexisting differential inclusion exacerbated during border closures in a global health emergency. Second, that borders are not concrete but flexible in (im)mobilising people according to capitalist economic demands. In this way, the article contributes to an understanding of the process of rebordering that took place during COVID-19 and in which borders remained spaces of differentiation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1994, Denzin and Lincoln suggested an immediate future for qualitative research, very akin to collage. This article begins by examining a seminal early collage work by Kurt Schwitters and ends with an example of the author's own meta-collage as a means of exploring the model as both a "borderlands epistemology," an art form, and a research practice. Claims for collage's potential for rich data collection plus iterative, inclusive, critical practice are made, as with that of bringing the "unthought known" using synecdoche and serendipity to the surface, championing arts-based, "And" methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay contributes to literature on the intersections of white settler colonialisms, racial capitalism, and U.S.-Mexico borderlands history by tracing the web of spatial, temporal, and legal power relations that produced El Paso, Texas' seemingly legitimate possession of stolen Mexican territory known as "El Chamizal" in the El Paso-Cd. Juárez borderlands. This land theft became the Chamizal Dispute: an international land and boundary conflict between the U.S. and Mexico caused by the meandering Río Grande that defines the "fixed" international border between El Paso, Texas and Cd. Juárez, Chihuahua. In the 1860s, multiple shifts in the Rio Grande "relocated" El Chamizal north of this river/boundary. Soon thereafter, and despite Mexico's sustained claim to and jurisdiction over this land, recently arrived Anglo American settlers incorporated El Chamizal into the nascent City of El Paso. In 1964, the U.S. and Mexico finally agreed to resolve this conflict by virtue of the landmark Chamizal Treaty, which ceded 630-acres of El Paso to Cd. Juárez as El Chamizal. Contrary to what dominant state accounts and the mainstream historical literature on this settlement would have us believe, however, this ceded land includes only a fraction of the original contested terrain. El Chamizal therefore remains a stolen tract of land nestled within the heart of El Paso. Drawing on oral histories, court testimonies and affidavits, and an array of binational records, this essay demonstrates that this ongoing theft is not a finite or complete project. Rather, the process hinges on a fragile web of spatial, white settler temporal, and legal practices of concealment/denial anchored to a colonial rumor that refuses to open this region to the mystery and wonder of the Río Grande's "wayward life, beautiful experiment in how to live." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyse the relationship between multidimensional poverty trends and changing dynamics of conflict in Nigeria in 2008–2018. We take a wide notion of poverty going beyond purely monetary hardships and considering simultaneously experienced non-monetary deprivations. Focusing on poverty experienced by people living in conflict affected areas, post conflict-areas and peaceful areas helps us understand how well-being changes with conflict, and how conflict may alter previous trends of poverty reduction. We pay particular attention to address the changing nature of conflict within zones and across neighbouring states. For this, we compare the poverty–conflict nexus across bordering regions in a spatial regression framework. We find that conflict arises not necessarily in the poorest Nigerian states, but in some of the relatively better-off states. Furthermore, we find that although levels of the Multidimensional Poverty Index decreased between 2008 and 2013, conflict may have played a major role in halting these trends, if not reverting them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]