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"Black Women and the Changing Television Landscape" by Lisa M. Anderson is a book that examines the portrayal of Black women on television throughout history. Anderson, an associate professor of women and gender studies, builds on her previous work to explore the complex and evolving representations of Black women in media. Using a semiotic approach and drawing on the work of Black feminist scholars, Anderson analyzes specific television shows and personalities from the 1950s to the present. The book goes beyond simplistic judgments and aims to understand the historical and cultural contexts in which these representations exist, as well as the agency of Black women in shaping them. It is a valuable resource for scholars in cultural, media, and television studies. [Extracted from the article]

"Race and Radio: Pioneering Black Broadcasters in New Orleans" by Bala James Baptist is a book that explores the emergence and evolution of Black radio culture in the American South, specifically in New Orleans. The author examines the interactions between white business owners, pioneering Black disc jockeys, and the African American community, highlighting their contributions to the promotion of Black radio in postwar American society. The book also discusses the role of Black radio personalities in the Civil Rights Movement and the growth of Black-owned radio stations. Based on primary sources, the book provides valuable insights into the transformation of radio culture in New Orleans and its impact on racial equality. [Extracted from the article]

This paper problematizes the anthropocentrism that dominates critical responses to Yvonne Vera's Butterfly Burning (1998). It considers how Vera inscribes colonial issues within the landscape and emplaces nature in decolonial thought. Contrary to claims that most African writers have resisted the ecocritical paradigm, I argue that writers such as Vera exhibit an environmental consciousness. In my reading, I focalize the everyday experiences of ordinary people as they relate to nature in the wake of colonial modernity. While colonialism was dehumanizing to black people, Vera underscores the environmental injustice and capitalist phallocracy that undergirds it. The paper draws from and builds on the growing body of work on postcolonial ecocriticism, suggesting that postcolonial and ecocritical discourses can productively enrich each other in deconstructing toxic modernities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Elite schools in the UK are bound to the history of British colonialism. This paper examines the material ties between these schools and the transatlantic slave trade. We combine multiple sources to examine which schools and their alumni accrued substantial economic capital derived from the enslavement of Black people. We find two principal connections: first, in donations and foundations of schools from those who made their fortune in the slave trade; and second, through income of boys attending these schools. Drawing on the Legacies of British Slavery dataset, we show that schools with alumni benefitting from the slave trade include the most prestigious British private schools. Moreover, this paper traces the histories of several secondary schools founded by, or in receipt of, substantial donations from slave-owning families. We argue that extractive, violent forms of colonial capital accumulation have been central to, the formation and maintenance of these elite educational institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the writing of Black activists, planners, and critics to reconcile two opposing perceptions of the Model Cities Program: an initiative known for its elevation of Black elected officials and a program that used the guise of citizen participation to stifle more radical forms of dissent. In 1966, Model Cities emerged in part from the call for a domestic Marshall Plan for Black Americans. Yet as the program began making incremental changes to the country's neighbourhoods from 1967 to the early 1970s, participants and critics instead began to see Model Cities' relationship to Black Americans as a new form of colonialism. To determine how this shift occurred, this paper analyses this critical commentary against the archival evidence of Model Cities implementation in the cities in which it appeared. Situating these authors' arguments within the parallel emergence of Black studies and participatory planning as well as within larger Cold War diplomatic history, planning history, and African American intellectual history reveals how visions of revolution turned into a program of representation. Meanwhile, the plans these figures produced as part of Model Cities point to what a revolutionary program might yet be. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The American Dream has long been understood as a “shorthand summary of a nation’s collective aspirations” (Hauhart 2015:65). What determines optimism about the Dream? This paper uses nationally representative data collected at a critical historical juncture to advance research which has connected the American Dream to America’s racial history. We find faith in the American Dream was racialized into the 21st-Century, both in the sense that our data show different levels of optimism toward the Dream by race and in that predictors of belief vary by racialized experiences and ideologies. We find that most Americans continued to believe in the American Dream, but contrary to prominent 20th-Century understandings, whites became less optimistic than persons of color, and that this remaining white belief was complex, with racial attitudes being central. Predictors of belief in the Dream were different by race in ways that may vitally reflect how collective aspirations are conceived from within unfolding American racial civic histories and 21st-Century racial hierarchies, patterns we discuss as privileged multiculturalism (whites), meritocratic incorporation (Hispanics), and positive social inclusion (Blacks). Ultimately, these findings suggest that the socio-cultural significance of the American Dream is not just tied to material position but intertwined with racialized cultural expectations, outlooks, and status concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1968, John Kain hypothesized that Black residential suburbanization had not accompanied suburbanizing jobs, leading to poor employment outcomes for young Black men. This paper reinvestigates spatial mismatch in the 2000s and 2010s, focusing on differences between urban and suburban White, Black, and Hispanic residents of the U.S. We find some evidence for spatial mismatch when pooling data across all years, and stronger evidence for mismatch among Black people than among Hispanic people. First, both urban Black and Hispanic people earn lower wages than equivalent suburbanites, all else equal. Second, urban Black people have a higher probability of un- and under-employment relative to their suburban counterparts. Third, Black and Hispanic people have longer commutes than equivalent Whites do, but suburban residence mitigates this effect. Yet we also find evidence that in recent years, spatial mismatch may not be as serious a problem as many people believe. For example, the wage premium for suburban people—White, Black, and Hispanic—has fallen. Further, urban Hispanic people are not more likely to be unemployed than equivalent suburbanites. Finally, urban and suburban Black and Hispanic people do not work in different types of occupations, so location is not associated with suburbanites of color holding more or less "desirable" jobs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With limited inclusion of Black traveler experiences in tourism scholarship and given that gender and racialization occur across geographies, this article explores the ways in which positionality and embodiment influence a Black diasporic woman researcher's experience in the cross-cultural context of Livingstone, Zambia. It further explores key player and researcher-participant relationships within the research context, where an autoethnographic approach and the creative analytic practice (CAP) of poetry are used as reflexive practices and to demonstrate the impact of researcher social identities (e.g. race, gender, nationality) on the research process. Aligning with the creative (re)turn in geography scholarship, the use of CAP demonstrates how similar methodologies can provide a more well-rounded view of participant voices, specifically that of Black people informing the production of knowledge. More importantly, the Blackness of diasporic researchers is valued, especially when coupled with mindful intentionality in the approach and assumptions of the research process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing research on the role of intellectuals in alleviating suffering has overlooked contributions by prominent Black intellectuals from the United States in the early 1990s. Two roundtable debates co-organised under the auspices of the Boston Review at Harvard and MIT in 1992 and 1993 in response to Eugene Rivers' essay "On the Responsibility of Intellectuals in the Age of Crack" were central to these contributions, counting a star-studded line-up of Black intellectuals including bell hooks, Cornel West, and Glenn Loury. Participants explore the role of Black intellectuals in the US, debating what they can and should do to combat oppression and domination. In this article, I recover the context of the debates, reconstruct their arguments, and make a case for their major historical and political significance. I comparatively interpret the two roundtables, identifying three major points of convergence. First, participants begin from a Gramscian conception of organic intellectuals, developing this further to defend the need for collective intellectual praxis. Second, the race-class-gender nexus plays a central role in structuring the very possibility of intellectuals affecting social change. Third, these intellectuals subscribe to a significantly pessimistic action paralysis, indicative of the relative powerlessness of intellectual debate in addressing structural oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to highlight how the degree of ethnic enclaves plays an important role in travel mode choices according to racial/ethnic groups in the Atlanta metropolitan areas in the US. This study finds that ethnic enclaves play a different role in travel mode choices according to the degree of ethnic enclaves, racial/ethnic groups, and travel purposes. For example, white people in low enclaves are more likely to take public transit for work (0.390), and black people in high enclaves are more apt to use household carpool, inter-household carpool, public transit, and walk/bike for school (1.545, 1.725, 1.205, 1.659, respectively) and public transit and walk/bike for other purposes (0.273 and 0.233, respectively). Asian people in high enclaves are more inclined to take household carpool for leisure (3.480), and Hispanic people in low enclaves are more likely to use inter-household carpool for shopping (6.377). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, a White narrative of self-defence against a Black uprising suppressed the truth of the 1921 Tulsa (Oklahoma) race massacre and blocked reparations to survivors. In 2001, the Oklahoma Commission to Study the Tulsa Race Riot of 1921 (often called the Tulsa Race Riot Commission, or TRRC), a truth commission established by the state of Oklahoma, demonstrated that Whites had conducted a pogrom against the Black community of Tulsa for which the government shared culpability. The TRRC recommended to the state legislature a reparations programme that included restitution and compensation to survivors and their descendants. However, because of flaws in the conception and execution of its mandate, the TRRC failed to convince the Oklahoma legislature to implement and fund its recommendations. The experience of the TRRC illustrates the gap between the measures that a truth commission recommends and those ultimately implemented by policymakers and offers lessons to future truth commissions charged with proposing reparations in response to organised violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth experiencing homelessness (YEH) are infrequently included in the development, organization, and provision of homelessness-related services. This lack of youth voice and services tailored for their expressed needs can lead to underutilization of services, dissatisfaction, and poor outcomes. Photovoice, a participatory research method, has been used to empower persons from marginalized populations and to provide a platform for them to share their voices. This photovoice project partnered with six YEH (18-20 years old). Participants worked together, with the support of two group facilitators, to take photographs, identify themes, write narratives that best represented their lived experience, and share their concerns and ideas for the community. Photos and narratives were shared with decisionmakers at community-based showings. Attendees of the showings anecdotally reported having an increased awareness of YEH issues. The showings served as a catalyst in the community to address the challenges of YEH. Recommendations for research and practice are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]