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Objectives Data Sources Data Collection/Extraction Methods Study Design Principal Findings Conclusions To evaluate the quality of Arkansas All‐Payer Claims Database (APCD) for disparity research in persistent poverty areas by determining (1) its representativeness of Arkansas population, (2) variation by county, and (3) differences in coverage between persistent poverty and other counties.Cross‐sectional study using 2019 Arkansas APCD member enrollment data and county‐level data from various agencies.An alias identifier linked persons across insurance plans. County FIPS codes were used to extract county‐level variables.Cohort 1 included individuals with ≥1 day of medical coverage in 2019. Cohort 2 included individuals with medical coverage in June, 2019. Cohort 3 included individuals with continuous medical coverage in 2019. Sampling proportions of a county's population in the three cohorts were compared between persistent poverty and other counties. Inverse‐variance weighted linear regression was used to identify county‐level socioeconomic and demographic characteristics associated with inclusion in each cohort.In 2019, 73.6% of Arkansans had medical coverage for ≥1 day (Cohort 1), 66.3% had coverage in June (Cohort 2), and 58.8% had continuous coverage (Cohort 3) in APCD. Sampling proportions varied by county (median[range]: Cohort 1, 78% [58%–95%]; Cohort 2, 71% [51%–88%]; and Cohort 3, 64% [44%–80%]), and were higher among persistent poverty counties than others for all three cohorts (mean [SD], persistent poverty vs. other: Cohort 1: 80.9% [6.4%] vs. 77.1% [6.3%], p = 0.04; Cohort 2: 74.0% [6.4%] vs. 70.1% [6.2%], p = 0.03; Cohort 3: 66.4% [6.1%] vs. 62.7% [6.0%], p = 0.03). In the 2019 APCD, larger counties and those with higher proportions of females or persons 65+ years had higher coverage, whereas counties with higher per capita household income, median home value, or disproportionately more persons of other races (non‐White and non‐Black) had lower coverage (p < 0.05 for all three cohorts).The Arkansas APCD had good coverage of Arkansas population. Coverage was higher in persistent poverty counties than others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines the socioeconomic determinants of physical health among populations experiencing food insecurity and receiving free meals in soup kitchens in the Prefecture of Attica, Greece. Data were collected from the same six soup kitchens in 2012, 2017 and 2021, resulting in a dataset of 1533 observations. The study revealed that periods characterised by an economic recession are associated with deteriorated physical health of food‐insecure people. Moreover, the study found that physical health deteriorations among food‐insecure people are associated with older age, female gender, immigration status, disability and/or long‐term health conditions, LGBT status, unemployment, economic inactivity, homelessness, living below the poverty threshold, long‐term food dependency, illicit drug consumption and residing in lower‐ and middle‐class areas. The study proposes the Intersectional Model of Health Inequalities, which integrates multiple factors involved in shaping the health inequalities of people experiencing food insecurity, from macro‐level factors such as a country's economic performance to individual‐level factors like education, employment status and demographic characteristics. The model emphasises that low‐income populations should not be treated as a homogeneous entity. Its goal is to inform policymakers about the diverse health inequalities experienced by people with low incomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Existing research on the impacts of adversity on young children's psychological well‐being has largely focused on household‐level risk factors using observational methods in high‐income countries. This study leverages natural variation in the timing and location of community homicides to estimate their acute effects on the regulatory, behavioral, and developmental outcomes of Brazilian 3‐year‐olds. Methods: We compared the outcomes of children who were assessed soon after a recent neighborhood homicide to those of children from the same residential neighborhoods who had not recently experienced community violence. Our sample included 3,241 3‐year‐olds (Mage = 41.05 months; 53% female; 45% caregiver education less than middle school; 26% receiving a public assistance program) from seven neighborhoods in São Paulo, Brazil. Child outcome measures included parent reports of effortful control and behavior problems as well as direct assessments of children's developmental (cognitive, language, and motor) skills. Community homicides were measured using police records. Results: Recent exposure to community homicides was associated with lower effortful control, higher behavior problems, and lower overall developmental performance for children (d =.05–.20 standard deviations; p = ns – <.001). Effects were consistent across subgroups based on sociodemographic characteristics and environmental supports, but generally largest when community violence exposure was geographically proximal (within 600 m of home) and recent (within 2 weeks prior to assessment). Conclusions: Results highlight the pervasive effects that community violence can have on young children as well as the need to expand support to mitigate these effects and prevent inequities early in life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Districts with federal nutrition programs must have an updated local school wellness policy (LSWP) to promote nutrition, physical activity, and student wellness. This study evaluates factors associated with LSWP quality among low‐income districts. METHODS: In 2018, we collected LSWPs from websites of 200 randomly selected, county‐stratified, low‐income‐serving California public districts. Multivariable linear regression assessed associations between district characteristics, model LSWP use (national, state, none), and adoption date on policy quality. RESULTS: On the WellSAT 3.0 scale of 0‐100, mean (95% CI) comprehensiveness was 65.0 (63.2‐66.7) and strength was 37.3 (35.3‐39.2). Nearly verbatim adoption of model LSWPs was high (68.5% state model, 13.0% a national model). Half were adopted before mandated updates. District size (≥1000 students) and national model LSWP adoption were associated with higher comprehensive scores. National model LSWP adoption was associated with higher strength scores in updated policies compared with those not updated. IMPLICATIONS: LSWPs have improved school food and activity environments, but district engagement in LSWP is low. Integration into education frameworks that reduce learning barriers could provide synergy for re‐engagement. CONCLUSIONS: High adoption of model policies and low update compliance indicate little district engagement in LSWP. Mixed methods studies of districts with high‐quality LSWP are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine how Danish politicians articulate views on the 'parallel society agreement' (aka, the 'ghetto‐laws'), a controversial legislative intervention aiming to manage urban migration‐related diversity. Through nationwide urban redevelopment aimed at facilitating residential 'mixing', the goal of the legislation is to eliminate so‐called 'parallel societies'—socio‐economically deprived neighbourhoods characterized by high concentrations of ethnic minorities. In‐depth interviews with Danish politicians (n = 11) explored how this proposal was supported, contested or rejected in situated discourse. Following social representations theory, we focus on how 'parallel societies' were constructed in relation to differing ideas about 'mainstream society' and value‐laden oppositional meaning‐categories (i.e. themata). In particular, we highlight processes of socio‐ethical reasoning that occurred through thematization of a shared oppositional meaning‐category: 'freedom‐constraint'. Views on the intervention were articulated around this oppositional meaning‐category. Moreover, a connection was observed between the views articulated by individual politicians and sets of congruent ideas and images mobilized to represent 'parallel societies'. We discuss the theoretical value of taking a social representations approach to urban policy debates, and the practical limitations of dominant representations for successfully promoting intercultural dialogue and engagement—the stated goal of this intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]