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Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Most nuclear dyads are characterized by some degree of nuclear and conventional asymmetry. This paper argues that these asymmetries create an environment in which deliberate nuclear first use (DNFU) can be rational. This possibility has been discarded in the formal literature on nuclear escalation because of the common reliance on the assumption of mutually assured destruction (MAD). This paper develops a formal model that traces how and under what circumstances two types of DNFU are rational. First, nuclear imbalances and advancements in counterforce technologies create a damage limitation incentive for a strong actor. Second, conventional asymmetry creates an incentive for the coercive use of nuclear weapons by the weaker player. Moreover, this paper illustrates that these asymmetric conditions are a relevant characteristic in important and very different nuclear dyads: DPRK–US, Pakistan–India, and Russia–US. Thus, the model demonstrates the potential core drivers of DNFU in today's nuclear landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Military Technical Courier / Vojnotehnicki Glasnik is the property of Military Technical Courier / Vojnotehnicki Glasnik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

EU relations with its eastern neighbours have been pursued with the goal of building a 'ring of friends' contributing towards security and stability-building, through reforms' implementation and the development of closer relations. This transformative agenda met, however, some criticism and resistance from Eastern Partnership (EaP) countries. Russia's full-scale invasion on 24 February 2022 changed profoundly the setting for these relations, including the accession requests coming from Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, along with the cut off of relations with Russia and Belarus. The implied debordering and rebordering dynamics taking place show the complexity of material and symbolic bordering practices. Through a critical border studies approach, this paper seeks to unpack these bordering dynamics and how they are reconfiguring the European space, arguing the EU has become locus of resistance for countries such as Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia assuring their European identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine brought the collective security system towards a dead-end street. After raising the question of nuclear threat, another long-time forgotten question arises again, waking up the ghosts that slept for more than a half-century-the use of cluster bombs. Although an international convention prohibits this type of weapon, neither Ukraine, Russia, nor the United States are part of it, which leads back to the agony of fragmentation of international law versus the erga omnes concept of universally applicable norms and customary rules. Since the war is official and intensive, the law of armed conflict applies no matter which of the states involved denies it or names it differently. The use of cluster munitions from both sides is highly contested in international law--the paper aimed to provide an overview of the applicable legal framework through analytical and comparative methods. Although there is a general notion that cluster munition is banned under international law, the paper's results show this is not the ultimate case. Contextualisation relies on the four basic principles of humanitarian law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of the Faculty of Political Science / Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of The Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

While many scholars find that security cooperation increases the foreign aid that allies receive from a major power, other studies show that an alliance also has negative effect and its terms can change over time. This article argues that a donor's security environment impacts its participation in security cooperation and, subsequently, foreign aid allocation to allies. When the security environment is competitive, a donor will concentrate its resources on strengthening its ties with allies. In contrast, when the environment is favorable to a donor, it can use security cooperation as leverage to obtain policy concessions from allies, thus reducing its own foreign aid expenditures. This paper analyzes the aid allocation of three major power donors as well as 72 formal defense pacts and 70 bilateral defense cooperation agreements, and it finds that a favorable security environment allows a donor to reduce its economic contribution to its allies by 19 percent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prevailing accounts of alliance formation emphasize either external threats or domestic politics, without an explicit consideration of how the two factors might interact. Instead, this paper theorizes about a specific type of interaction: coup-prevention strategies in nondemocratic regimes and external threats. Through quantitative analyses using the Alliance Treaty Obligations and Provisions (ATOP) and the State Security Forces (SSF) data, we find that "coup-proofing" reduces the probability of alliance formation when potential allies are under high external threat and that this effect is driven by the coup-proofing regime's reduced capability to defend their allies, rather than the regime's increased vulnerability to aggression. Furthermore, we find evidence for the interactive relationship at the negotiation stage of alliance formation. Upon entering an alliance, a coup-proofing regime facing a higher level of external threat offers more policy concessions to the ally, whereas an ally under higher threat could make fewer concessions to the coup-proofing regime. Our study highlights the way nondemocratic domestic political institutions can interact with external threat to shape states' alliance behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization and the increasing interconnectivity of the international system has brought about changes in the nature of state relations and newer trends in security threats within the international system. Security threats that hitherto did not exist are now made manifest with the aid of globalization particularly as a result of advancement in information, communication and transportation technologies. Cyber-crime, transnational crimes, money laundry, human trafficking, terrorism financing, proliferation of small arms and light weapons amongst several other security threats now characterize the global system. This paper therefore attempts to interrogate globalization as a driver for insecurity. It is the position of this paper that national and international security dynamics have changes because of globalization. It is desk research and relies basically on secondary data. The paper therefore recommends the need for states to adopt security strategies that are in line with global trends so as to address security challenges. It also recommends the application of technology in addressing national security challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research portrays militant splinter groups as more violent than their parent organizations due to factors like more extreme preferences or capacity-building needs. Though widely held, the assumption that splinters are particularly violent has not been systematically tested. In this paper, we develop and test an alternative explanation for splinter behavior. We argue splinter groups often appear less violent than their parents due to an underlying selection effect. Splinters break away where there are large organizational barriers to internally address a faction's grievances. These barriers tend to exist in well-organized parents that are also capable of high levels of violence. Splinter groups lack this established organizational infrastructure, resulting in lower levels of relative violence. We test this logic with an original dataset on parent and splinter groups and a pair of comparative case studies. We find that splinters are less violent than parent organizations, challenging conventional wisdom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The illegal movement of wildlife poses a public health, conservation and biosecurity threat, however there are currently minimal screening tools available at international ports of entry to intercept wildlife trafficking efforts. This review first aimed to explore the screening tools available or under development for the detection of concealed wildlife contraband at international ports, including postal services, airlines, road border crossings and maritime routes. Where evidence was deficient, publications detailing the use of methods to uncover other illicit substances, such as narcotics, weapons, human trafficking, explosives, radioactive materials, or special nuclear material, were compiled and assessed for their applicability to the detection of wildlife. The first search identified only four citations related to the detection of wildlife, however the secondary search revealed 145 publications, including 59 journal articles and 86 conference proceedings, describing screening tools for non-wildlife illicit contraband detection. The screening tools uncovered were analysed for potential fitness for purpose for wildlife contraband detection, to evaluate the feasibility of their implementation and their ease of use. The deficiencies evident in terms of resource availability and research efforts targeting wildlife trafficking highlights a potentially substantial national and international security threat which must be addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existing critical literature constructs Smart Cities (SC) as sites of technocratic governance, hidden within a socio-technically imagined utopian discourse that originated in the "Global North" but has already deeply penetrated the "Global South". The substantial inflow of SC-related foreign investment into emerging Asian countries, such as Thailand, has motivated this paper to shed new light on the extensive nature of investment in the region. The authors have chosen to examine a SC project supported by Japanese Official Development Assistance in Bangkok's Bang Sue district. This case study enables them to investigate the SC concept within the broader context of international politico-economic power struggles, particularly between Thailand and Japan in the realm of international cooperation. Using the concept of strategy, this study conceptualises the establishment of Smart Cities as each nation's approach to advancing both national economic interests and international security. The examination of the policy history of SC conception in Thailand and Japan reveals diverse motivations behind these initiatives. Thailand seeks to shift its economic weight to the digital and knowledge sectors, while Japan targets economic and security enhancements in the Indo-Pacific region. Despite the common strategy of developing SC infrastructure in the Bang Sue area, the analysis identified nuanced differences in their goals. Further scrutiny of project documents revealed: 1) strategic distancing within the project, 2) technocratic traits within the project process, and 3) the role of socio-technical utopian discourse beyond ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the complex security challenges arising from hybrid warfare and its impact on global stability. Topics include the evolving threats posed by Russian activities such as cyberattacks and disinformation, the geopolitical shifts caused by Russia's conflict with Ukraine, and the broader implications for international security and economic cooperation.

Russia's war on Ukraine has generated a new chain of insecurities in Europe: energy and food crises, new migration flows from Ukraine, Belarus and Russia, military threats sharpened by Russia's invasion are triggering a spatial and territorial reshuffling of Europe's Eastern flank. In this context, regional dynamics within and across the Eastern frontiers of Europe have undergone a succession of path-breaking transformations ranging from overt support to the Ukrainian war effort to decoupling from the Russian economy and an unprecedented boost to expanding the European Union's security architecture. However, one of the most important effects of the war is the growing gap between two regional models which might be dubbed normative (Europeanization within the EU- and NATO-led European normative space) and post-colonial (exemplified by different Russia-centric projects within the post-Soviet space). The original contribution of this special issue is to address the conceptual connections between security, borders and national identity to discuss the evolving European landscape. While we do not explore the military side of the war, we focus on the nexus of (in)security and bordering practices to capture how a combination of geopolitical changes, economic dynamics and human dimensions of war has created new borders and reshaped existing ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews transformations observed in the post-soviet space and raises the question of their implications for students of comparative regionalisms. It is first argued that such a discussion deserves to be more systematically related to that of the shifting 'grammars' of globalization. Unlike what was the case in the 1990s, globalization refers today to a fragmented, multipolar, yet globalized, world. Interdependency is perceived as a source of insecurity and strategic vulnerability. With Russia's invasion of Ukraine, the article also stresses, a pillar of post-colonial and post-imperial international relations, uti possidetis, is also being tested and contested. Interactions with the diversity, or 'languages,' of regionalisms are then addressed through the identification of five distinctive threads: colonial and imperial legacies; regionalism as sovereignty or regime enhancement; the EU as a model of holistic and developmental integration; regionalization through defragmentation and connectivity; and regionalization without region-building. The article concludes to the resilience of debates and cognitive representations that were discarded in the aftermath of the cold war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes an assessment of the EU's security agenda from 2019-2023 which has been configured in relation to the realities within the EU and the emergence of new security challenges and risks. During the analysis we identified that climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic and insecurity at the borders of the Union represented the most important challenges in the last 5 years because they affected several areas of European security and had implications at all levels of analysis (individual, national, European) and on several fields (economic, social, environmental, health, energy). These challenges have been introduced as priority topics on the European public agenda to be addressed and managed in order to secure the affected areas. In parallel, we will also investigate the perception of Europeans on the proposed themes in order to understand what their expectations are from the Union. The ultimate goal of this endeavour is to capture how the EU has managed the consequences of these challenges and crises, and how it is preparing to face future non-military security challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What security implications do North Korea's purported peaceful space activities have? North Korea's recent launch of a reconnaissance satellite not only raises concerns about its nuclear weapons program but also has broader implications for international security. The nuclear threat posed by North Korea is certainly growing. However, there seems to be an overlooked security threat in North Korea's space initiative: the threat of militarization and weaponization of outer space. Therefore, the security policy toward North Korea must be changed comprehensively to address the militarization and weaponization of space, as North Korea's threats can be transformed by the use of space. North Korea's destructive weapons and strategies, such as EMP attacks and space hybrid operations, are not prohibited, even when they appear to be aligned with the outer space legal regime. Hence, rather than concentrating only on nuclear weapons, this study proposes that a fundamental shift in policy is required. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the digital age, images have pervaded almost all spheres of public life and politics. International relations are no exception. The visual dimension of world politics attracts increasing attention which resulted in the emergence of the so-called visual turn in the theory of international relations. It gained particular prominence within the framework of constructivism and particularly within one of the central and most widespread constructivist theories, i.e. the securitization theory. The first section of the paper examines the concept of ‘visual turn’. The second section considers the current state of art of the securitization theory. The third section outlines key features and possible implications of ‘visual securitization’ to the study of international relations. To this end, the authors refer to a resonant case of a Syrian migrant boy Aylan Kurdi, who died in 2015 while trying to immigrate to Europe. The fourth section examines some limitations of the ‘visual securitization’ theory. The authors conclude that the ‘visual turn’ has led to a certain democratization of securitization practices by opening up new opportunities for the ‘bottom-up securitization’, or ‘people’s securitization’. Thus, it questions the traditional monopoly of political elites on the molding of a security narrative. At the same time, the ‘visual turn’ extends the list of possible reference objects of securitization, which comes to include not only domestic audiences, but also other communities. As a result, ‘visual securitization’ raises a number of new issues. In contrast to a traditional ‘speech act’, an image can be open to various interpretations and as such would make the process of interaction with the audience too complicated and inconsistent. The possibility of incorrect interpretation places increased demands on the communicative context and hinders the use of an image as an independent securitization tool. The authors argue that the key to addressing these issues lies in a more active use of artificial intelligence technologies and social networks.

The relevance of the chosen topic is determined by the aggravation of interstate conflicts at the regional and interregional levels. In these conditions, the issue of the effectiveness of decision-making mechanisms and procedures in the activities of the United Nations (UN), the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) becomes relevant. The aim of the article is to carry out a comparative analysis of the decision-making process in the activities of international security organisations, such as the UN, NATO, and the OSCE, and determine their effectiveness in the context of aggravation of interstate conflicts at the regional and interregional level. Using the methodology of content analysis, descriptive, comparative methods and analysis of legal acts. The procedure for the development and adoption was analysed, and the effectiveness of the adoption and implementation of UN, NATO, and OSCE decisions was considered. Further research prospects may be the study of the mechanisms of such limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the theoretical foundations of international security and regime theory that lay strict conditions for the creation of international regimes to explain the nature of the cyber conflict and the reasons that prevent the creation of a global regime for cybersecurity. This article analyzes the cybersecurity concerns and interests of the world's leading powers in cyberspace--China, Russia, the European Union, and the United States--based on some key cybersecurity issues in dispute, inter alia, information sovereignty, militarization of cyberspace, and their politics of cyber norms. The article suggests that the absence of a dominant hegemon in the international system, and the perception of cyberspace not only as a domain that increases vulnerabilities and threats, but also as a domain for gaining a strategic advantage, does not meet the theoretical premises for the creation of an international regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Defense policy makers have become increasingly concerned about conflict in the "gray zone" between peace and war. Such conflicts are often interpreted as cases of deterrence failures, as new technologies or tactics—from cyber operations to "little green men"—seem to increase the effectiveness of low-intensity aggression. However, gray zone conflict could also be a case of deterrence success, where challengers adopt a constrained form of aggression in response to a credible escalation threat. We develop a model that formalizes both scenarios and identifies distinct empirical patterns across the two cases. We use the model's findings to empirically analyze Russian gray zone activity since the 1990s, finding that Russian activity appears, in part, to be restrained by NATO's deterrent threat. Our model also shows that developing gray zone conflict capabilities can lead to more peace but could also backfire and provoke a challenger to escalate to war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Does "shaming" work in NATO? More precisely, does publicly using negative language criticizing allies' defense spending improve burden-sharing, or is it counterproductive, leading to lower spending? We evaluate the effectiveness of public shaming language; specifically, whether it increases allies' defense spending or whether other considerations like external threat, domestic budgets, economic growth, or unemployment rates are better predictors of contributions. Using an original dataset of presidential statements and NATO defense spending data disaggregated across the four categories tracked by the alliance, we conclude that negative language toward allies' spending is at best ineffective and may even adversely affect burden-sharing in the long run. These findings have important implications for the political economy of alliances and both theories and policies on the use of rhetorical pressure to elicit compliance in asymmetric power relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine gave rise to discussions of hard power configurations in international politics and challenged peace statuses at a world level. Many countries revised their foreign policy strategies according to major power alliance. The global rhetoric shifted from cosmopolitanism to statism, survival and collective security systems. In the midst of a war, the WB states characterized from still high levels of corruption, flawed democracies and unresolved ethnic conflicts found themselves in rising insecurities. The study aims to address the following research questions: Has the Russia - Ukraine conflict caused a security dilemma in the Western Balkans region? To what extent would the security dilemma contribute to the intensity of ethnic disputes in the Western Balkans? The framework is primarily centered defensive realism as well as the security dilemma and its impact on regional conflicts. Anarchy, fear and misperception are the three variables used to measure state and societal security dilemma. The study concludes that states that do not belong to strong military alliances and organizations find it easier to find themselves in a security dilemma that could quickly escalate into an active conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terrorist designation has increasingly become an important counterterrorism tool used by intergovernmental organizations and state governments. This article examines the determinants of terrorist listing and argues that terrorist listing is driven by security as well as political concerns. While countries tend to designate groups that pose a greater security threat, terrorist listing can also be influenced by interstate relationships including alliance ties and state rivalry. We test these arguments using a dataset on 35 countries that currently maintain their own lists of designated terrorist organizations. Our findings show that governments are more likely to list groups that have a record of attacking their domestic interests. Domestic groups are more likely to be designated than foreign groups. Moreover, countries are more likely to designate groups that are designated by their allies, even when these groups do not pose a direct threat. Our study contributes to the literature on terrorism and more broadly international security by systematically examining the determinants of terrorist designation and explaining the heterogeneity of terrorist lists across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains variation in the propensity for conflict involvement and initiation among states? In the study of international security, a debate remains between those who argue stronger civilian control of the military lowers the likelihood of interstate conflict, and those who argue that states with stronger civilian control over the military will be more conflict-prone. This article adjudicates between these competing theories through the use of a newly published measure of civilian control over the military. The theory is tested via Poisson regression using a large-N country-year data set. Ultimately, the results support theories of military restraint, showing that states with stronger civilian control over the military are more conflict-prone than states with weaker civilian control of the military. The article contributes to our understanding of war and interstate conflict and the study of civil–military relations by showing that increased civilian control increases the likelihood of interstate conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]