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The purpose of the article. The breakdown of the so-called Eastern Bloc, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and the demise of communism fueled transition processes in Central and Eastern Europe, Western Asia, and Central Asia. The great majority of transformation difficulties across different areas demonstrate that when pursuing the process of a structural change, it is important to take into account diverse sets of formal and informal institutions preserved in each country. Each country has a unique set of formal and informal institutions. These differences are easily observed between Poland and Azerbaijan. The aim of this paper is to compare and contrast the outcomes of Poland and Azerbaijan's transitions from communism to capitalism and to identify the primary factors driving these two different transformations. Methodology. The paper presents two complementary methods to compare the transitions from communism to capitalism in Poland and Azerbaijan. The first method involves secondary analysis, where existing data from reputable sources such as the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) database, the Bertelsmann Transformation Index (BTI), and country reports are compiled to provide insights into economic, political, and social indicators. Additionally, a comparative case study approach is employed, using Geert Hofstede's six cultural dimensions framework to explore the cultural influences on transition outcomes. By integrating these methods, the study aims to offer a comprehensive analysis of the transformation processes in Poland and Azerbaijan. Results of the research. The results of the analysis presented in the paper support the hypothesis that the historically-shaped differences in mental models and strong ties to international protectors determined the paths of transformations in Poland and Azerbaijan. The primary similarities and contrasts in the mindset are justified by the colonial or imperial history of the nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to explore the forms of official and unofficial negotiation, using the rescue of the Staré Hrady castle, renovated between 1949 and 1993, as a case in point. The paper first outlines the earlier history and current situation of this monument, then the cultural and legal context, the actors and, lastly, the history of the rescue itself. It then proceeds to examine the final phase of the rescue to provide an illustrative example of a castle renovation project that was financially and ideologically supported by the regime and where the rescue went hand in hand with its cultural use, which served as an argument for the renovation in the first place. The paper discusses the forms of communication formally required for the official negotiation related to this project, as well as the informal level of the negotiation, which existed outside the written sources. It concludes that both of these negotiation levels were equally important for the preservation of the Staré Hrady castle: they were used as dictated by the situation and ultimately aimed at achieving the same goal: to preserve a cultural monument whose restoration had been considered impossible and pointless a little more than two decades earlier. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Petre Țuțea (October 6, 1902 - December 3, 1991) was a Romanian Christian thinker and an orator, who was preoccupied with philosophical and religious matters. He was the author of numerous studies and articles that focused on economic, social and political issues in the inter-war era. This paper intends to point out the main guiding lines of Petre Țuțea's system of thought as an economist and his personal comprehension of the relation between the economic and the political elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Dictatorships are established and strengthened by imposing themselves on society. One of the tools they use to do this is school, along with textbooks as a means of information and mass spiritual nourishment. This paper aims to analyse the period of communist dictatorship in Albania and its way to influence the individual with an ideology in the function of politics yet to the detriment of the individual as a personality. The research is focused on the primary school reading books of 1946-1986. The passages connected directly with the political content, the parts that had genuine political concepts in the title or in content, were selected to complete this research. A significant number of these short stories, the types, the tendencies of their extension, the object, the nature, and their possibilities of influence were examined as the main materials of the study. During the research, the way textbook readings can influence to paralyze the quest for inner freedom and finding individuality were outlined. Thus, the school as an educational institution can be used to depersonalize the individual in function of the interests of social and political groups. The results showed that any society, including contemporary, could carry ideological influences, so the following article might increase the awareness on the texts used in school and on their interpretation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to examine the philosophies of the late Heidegger and the young Marx side by side to show how, while differing radically in some important aspects, both philosophies are motivated by similar concerns and are not so different as to preclude a productive dialogue between them. In so far as both thinkers can be said to have thought, taking the word in a Heideggerian sense, the "same", the way both philosophies diverge from each other can be especially illuminating when it comes to offering a clear interpretation of them (a task which is especially important to gain an understanding of Heidegger's philosophy which is often obscure). We'll see how Heidegger's notion of finitude implies a series of criticisms of Marx's philosophy. Finally, I'll pose a question regarding the limits of Heidegger's criticism of Marx, considering that this criticism goes as far as to criticize the idea that all human beings are equal and so implies a rejection of the idea of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since communism's collapse, Central and Eastern Europe adopted neoliberal reforms for democratization and market integration. However, democratic institutions in many countries have backslid. Scholars debate neoliberalism's impacts and the rise of oligarchs concentrating wealth and distorting democracy. This review analyzes 50 sources from 1990-2020 through meta-analysis. Literature is assessed regarding neoliberalization's mechanisms and effects. Privatization concentrated assets in politically-connected oligarchs, enabling state capture constraining competition. Deregulation empowered economic elites with disproportionate political influence, distorting representation toward oligarchic over public interests. Evidence partially supports the hypothesis that neoliberalism benefiting oligarchs distorted democracy, contributing to backsliding. However, grassroots resistance offers alternatives. Further research could integrate local case studies and frameworks focused on equitable distribution rather than growth alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines official negotiation methods behind the renovation and simultaneous use of the Staré Hrady castle between 1949 and 1993, as an example of the rescue of a cultural monument in communist Czechoslovakia. It is concerned with the mechanisms of actor-institutional communication at regional level at work within the broader circumstances prevailing in then Czechoslovakia, arguing that this negotiation was in fact the driving force behind the successful reconstruction of this castle after many years of expert-led volunteer work.

Based on the significance and role of ChatGPT in the power and knowledge production, this research aims to display how ChatGPT responds to questions that are by nature controversial and debatable, as their values depend on the agency or power that answers them. The main question of this work is whether this artificial intellegince model is influenced by any discourse(s). The approaches employed in this work are Michel Foucault's discourse analysis and Norman Fairclough's Critical Discourse Analysis. It is contended that discourses are ubiquitously everywhere in social practices. To Fairclough and Foucault, language production is strongly connected to power and knowledge production. Therefore, utilising a qualitative method in the examination, the work wishes to identify the discourse(s) that can affect ChatGPT's responses and discuss its implications for knowledge and power production. The research discovered that ChatGPT's answers unveiled a prejudice towards capitalist discourse, established knowledge, and suppressed alternative opinions. Also, the definitions of capitalism and communism by ChatGPT were insufficient because the political and ideological dimensions of capitalism were ignored, which can be considered major findings of this present work regarding the two selected systems. This indicates that ChatGPT's knowledge production, an example or model from the ongoing technological revolution, cannot be relied on for being biased in its responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anyone who traces their Jewish ancestors back to the 18th century and even further back in history encounters the challenge of looking for ancestry without the clue that a fixed family name provides. Before the end of the 18th and beginning of the 19th century, when Jews were forced by law to adopt a fixed family name, Ashkenazim Jewish families used patronymic names as last names. A patronymic name changes every generation. Sometimes, in larger cities, various types of nicknames were used as last names. Such a nickname could change within a generation and often indicated the place a person came from, his occupation, or personal characteristics. In this article, I will show, using three case studies, how I have faced the challenge of determining which patronymic names and nicknames my ancestors used as last names before they were forced to adopt a fixed family name. The three case studies are the ancestors of Josef Stern, who lived in the late 18th and early 19th century in Neu Bistritz in southern Bohemia, today Nova Bystrice in Czechia; Julius Strauss, 1883–1939, who lived in the late 18th, 19th, and early 20th century in Frücht and Giessen in Nassau/Hesse, today in southern Germany; and Simon Reiniger, who lived in Prague in the 18th and early 19th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conspiracist antisemitism was an integral part of national-socialist propaganda in Norway between 1940 and 1945. An imaginary entity called ‘International Jewry’ was represented as the sinister force behind phenomena such as Communism, liberalism, capitalism and cultural decadence. This article analyses the argumentation and functions of conspiracist antisemitism as it was disseminated by three journals in Nazi-occupied Norway: the Norwegian edition of the German antisemitic journal Welt-Dienst (Verdens-Tjenesten), the weekly Hirdmannen and the antisemitic periodical Nationalt Tidsskrift. While these publications represented history and politics as an apocalyptic battle between the so-called Nordic-Germanic peoples and an alleged ‘Jewish conspiracy’, their argumentation differed in several aspects. Whereas Verdens-tjenesten was first and foremost an anti-Jewish news agency, Nationalt Tidsskrift and Hirdmannen were more focused on attacking the Norwegian Jews directly. However, according to all three journals, the national-socialist revolution was an act of redemption, from Jews as well as from ‘Jewish ideas’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)