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The book of Joshua is a book-length crux interpretum. Its cultivation of two concurrent narratives that contradict one another has fascinated commentators since antiquity. This is only one of its hermeneutically challenging features. Most modern commentaries attribute these features to an uneven process of redaction. Focusing on chapters 1–12, this essay argues that incongruity, ambiguity, and disjunction are essential elements of a rhetorical strategy in which form and content are imaginatively correlated, and that the text contains many cryptic clues that are necessary to elucidate its meaning. It contends that Joshua is the product of a bold literary innovation that is motivated by a sustained and uncompromising determination to unsettle facile assumptions about YHWH and Israel's history. It concludes that the book challenges us to re-evaluate not only the answers we thought it gave, but even the questions we ask of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The trauma of the October 7 massacre for Israelis and the catastrophe that Gazans have experienced in the subsequent war mark a new stage in the Palestinian–Israeli conflict. While October 7 and indeed the Israeli response are exceptional, we cannot overcome their consequences without addressing the root of the conflict. Calls for an immediate ceasefire are understandable but fall into the trap of seeing the solution as being a military decision. This echoes to the attitude of the current Israeli government which poses the response to October 7 as a military one. A new international political initiative is required to change the atmosphere by setting the goal of resolving the conflict on the basis of self-determination for both Israelis and Palestinians. That needs to inform the approach we adopt to ending the current conflict by replacing Hamas and Israel in Gaza with an international security mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-boycott laws are more popular and pervasive today than ever before. More than half of U.S. states have "anti-BDS laws" that prohibit recipients of public contracts and state investment from boycotting the State of Israel. And almost as many have proposed or passed "anti-ESG" rules that restrict boycotts of fossil fuels, firearms, and other contested industries in similar ways. These controversial rules have triggered a fierce debate--and nationwide litigation--over whether the First Amendment includes a "right to boycott." This Article is the first to take up the question from a historical standpoint. Examining the boycott's constitutional status from before the Founding to the present era, we find that state actors have consistently treated the boycott as economic conduct subject to governmental control, and not as expression presumptively immune from state interference. Before the Founding, the colonists mandated a strict boycott of Britain, which local governmental bodies enforced through trial proceedings and economic punishments. At common law, courts used the doctrine of conspiracy to enjoin "unjustified" boycotts and hold liable their perpetrators. And in the modern era, state and federal officials have consistently compelled participation in the boycotts they approved, while prohibiting participation in the ones they opposed. The Article concludes that modern anti-boycott laws not only fit within, but improve upon, this constitutional tradition. As the Supreme Court's 1982 decision in NAACP v. Claiborne Hardware illustrates, the common-law approach risks violating the First Amendment if applied to restrict not only the act of boycotting or refusing to deal, but also the expressive activities that accompany such politically motivated refusals. Modern anti-boycott laws minimize that problem by surgically targeting the act of boycotting while leaving regulated entities free to say whatever they please. Hence, from the standpoint of history, these laws reflect First Amendment progress, not decay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationships between the consumption of 'bad' or 'good' digital economic news and attitudes toward immigrant and ethnic minorities during the crisis that developed during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study considered attitudes toward two minority groups in Israel: immigrant citizens from English-speaking countries, and Israeli Palestinian citizens, an ethnic minority. The data were collected through an online survey of 866 respondents, who were members of the majority population group. The study found that, during the global crisis, exposure to bad digital news was associated with more positive attitudes toward both disadvantaged and non-disadvantaged minority groups. Moreover, in times of global crisis, people focused mostly on local rather than global digital news. In contrast to the idea of Intergroup Threat Theory, the study revealed that feelings of economic threat during the global crisis engendered higher cohesion between different population groups, and more positive attitudes toward minorities. In times of crisis, bad news for the economy brings good news for social solidarity—people tend to rally around the flag; this phenomenon even occurs between groups engaged in years-long, protracted conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Congenital disorders of the mitochondrial respiratory chain are a heterogeneous group of inborn errors of metabolism. Among them, NADH:ubiquinone oxidoreductase (complex I, CI) deficiency is the most common. Biallelic pathogenic variants in NDUFAF2, encoding the nuclear assembly CI factor NDUFAF2, were initially reported to cause progressive encephalopathy beginning in infancy. Since the initial report in 2005, less than a dozen patients with NDUFAF2-related disease have been reported. Methods: Clinical, biochemical, and neuroradiological features of four new patients residing in Northern Israel were collected during 2016–2022 at Emek Medical Center. Enzymatic activities of the five respiratory-chain complexes were determined in isolated fibroblast mitochondria by spectrophotometric methods. Western blot analyses were conducted with anti-human NDUFAF2 antibody; antibody against the mitochondrial marker VDAC1 was used as a loading control. Genetic studies were performed by chromosome microarray analysis using Affymetrix CytoScan 750 K arrays. Results: All four patients presented with infantile-onset growth retardation, ophthalmological impairments with nystagmus, strabismus (starting between 5 and 9 months), and further progressed to life-threatening episodes of apnea usually triggered by trivial febrile illnesses (between 10 and 18 months) with gradual loss of acquired developmental milestones (3 of 4 patients). Serial magnetic-resonance imaging studies in two of the four patients showed a progressive pattern of abnormal T2-weighted hyperintense signals involving primarily the brainstem, the upper cervical cord, and later, the basal ganglia and thalami. Magnetic-resonance spectroscopy in one patient showed an increased lactate peak. Disease progression was marked by ventilatory dependency and early lethality. 3 of the 4 patients tested, harbored a homozygous 142-kb partial interstitial deletion that omits exons 2–4 of NDUFAF2. Mitochondrial CI activity was significantly decreased in the only patient tested. Western blot analysis disclosed the absence of NDUFAF2 protein compared to normal controls. In addition, we reviewed all 10 previously reported NDUFAF2-deficient cases to better characterize the disease. Conclusions: Biallelic loss-of-function mutations in NDUFAF2 result in a distinctive phenotype in the spectrum of Leigh syndrome with clinical and neuroradiological features that are primarily attributed to progressive brainstem damage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: According to Israel's National Health Insurance Law (1994), the Ministry of Health is responsible for the provision of health services in the country including physiotherapy services; moreover, the Special Education Law (1988), stipulates that physiotherapy services for children with motor disabilities, as well as other allied health services, are provided by the Ministry of Education in educational settings. Thus, children with motor disabilities are entitled PT services under two different laws by two different ministries. Method: To describe the physiotherapy services for children with motor disabilities and examine how policymakers view these services, we conducted a qualitative study including in-depth semi-structured interviews with 10 policymakers from the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education, and the national directors of physiotherapy services from three of the four health maintenance organizations in Israel. Results: Study results indicate that there is an array of physiotherapy services and providers. Despite the regulation of these services for children with motor disabilities, uncertainty and lack of knowledge were found about various issues. Therefore, the thematic analysis was structured around four descriptive questions: Where do the children receive physiotherapy? Who is eligible for physiotherapy treatment and who receives treatment? What interventions do children with motor disabilities receive? Who provides therapy for children with motor disabilities? Conclusions: Policymakers are dubious regarding the provision of these services, questioning whether children with motor disabilities receive physiotherapy services according to their needs. In addition, the abundance of suppliers does not necessarily improve the quality of services provided to children with motor disabilities, which may ultimately harm their developmental potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of secular education on Israel's education system and the resulting questions of identity. It discusses the shift towards secular education influenced by globalization and the peace process in the 1990s. The reduction of religious studies in the curriculum is seen as potentially leading to an identity crisis among the younger generation. The article raises concerns about the superficial understanding of Judaism and Zionism among students and emphasizes the importance of transmitting knowledge and maintaining a link between individuals and their religious traditions. [Extracted from the article]

In ethnically and linguistically diverse societies, disadvantaged groups often face pressures to acquire and speak the advantaged group's language to achieve social inclusion and economic mobility. This work investigates how using the advantaged group's language affects disadvantaged group members' in-group pride and collective self-esteem, relative to using their native language. Across six experimental studies involving Palestinian citizens of Israel (total N = 1,348), we test two competing hypotheses: Disadvantaged group members may experience greater in-group pride when using a) their native language, due to its emotional significance (the nativity hypothesis), or b) the language of the advantaged group, due to activation of habituated compensatory responses to dominance relations (the identity enhancement hypothesis). We found that respondents reported significantly higher in-group pride when responding to a Hebrew survey when compared to performing the same activity in Arabic (Studies 1a and 1b), regardless of whether the researchers administering the survey were identified as Jewish or Arab (Studies 2a and 2b). Study 3 replicated this effect while employing the "bogus pipeline" technique, suggesting the pride expression was authentic, not merely driven by social desirability. Finally, Study 4 (pre-registered) examined additional measures of positive regard for the in-group, finding that participants described their group more positively in an attribute selection task, and reported greater collective self-esteem, when surveyed in Hebrew, rather than in Arabic. Taken together, these findings suggest that language use influences disadvantaged group members' perceptions and feelings concerning their group when those languages are associated with relative position in an intergroup hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The power of the "moderate" branch of the Islamic Movement (Alharaka al-Islamiyya, subsequently referred to as IM) Southern Faction (IMSF) in Israel stems from its ability to adapt to different situations, reconcile with the complex reality of being an indigenous minority in a state that defines itself a "Jewish state", and operate within the state structure accepting democratic processes that have long been debated to clash with Islamism. Besides being represented in the Israeli Knesset since 1996, the culmination of this adaptation was the joining of the movement to the short-lived Zionist coalition government on 2 June 2021 (the government collapsed in July 2022). This historic entry of an Arab Party into a Jewish/Zionist government coalition for the first time in Israel's history was a shocking surprise to many, not only due to the IM being an Arab–Palestinian movement but also an Islamist movement. My analysis shows that despite this reconciliation, the IM continues to emphasize religiosity, binding it to the national political struggle and identity of Israel's Palestinian minority. For its supporters, the IMSF is seen as a meeting point of spiritual/religious needs on the one hand and material needs in the social, political, and cultural spheres on the other. However, for its opponents, mainly from the other Arab political parties, the IM had deviated from the national consensus and accepted strategies and tools to deal with the challenges facing them as a minority in Israel. And, for some others, the IM had even deviated from Islam itself. I draw on a field study that spanned several years. It is based on qualitative, extensive interviews with senior Islamist and non-Islamist leaders in Israel, as well as primary sources of the IM, including publications, leaders' speeches, and social media. All quotes in this article are based on the author's interviews during 2022–2024. Interviews with the following leaders and activists: IM leader Abdul-Malik Dahamsheh, sheik Ibrahim Sarsour, former MK Muhammad Hasan Ken'an, Nosiba Darwish 'Issa, IM MK Eman Yassin Khatib, NDA' chairman Sami Abu Shehadeh, secretary general of Abnaa al-Balad (Sons of the Country) Muhammad Kana'neh, and with Kufr Qare' former mayor Zuhair Yahya were conducted by in-person or by phone during summer–fall 2023. The interviews with former IMNF activist Aisha Hajjar, activist Zuhriyyeh 'Azab, journalist Abd el-Rahman Magadleh, and DFPE member Elias Abu Oksa were conducted via What's App, Messenger, and e-mail in 2022. The interview with political analyst Ameer Makhoul was conducted in December 2023 via Messenger. Follow-up communication was mainly through What's App to clarify certain points. The interview questions focused on the reasons for the Islamic Movement's division into two wings, the religious and political justifications for entering the Knesset and the coalition, the relationship between the southern wing and the main Arab parties active in the Israeli Knesset, the experience of unity with them, and the experience of its members while in the Zionist coalition. This article examines how the Islamic Movement in Israel uses religion as a tool to influence the national, cultural, political, economic, and social lives of the Arab minority in Israel. It asks: How does the Islamic Movement, religiously and politically, justify its involvement in the political game and in a Zionist government coalition, and how do Arab parties perceive this involvement? Moreover, it raises an important question about the nature of the movement: to what extent is the Islamic Movement a political Islam movement, and whether it has abandoned the basic goals of political Islam for the sake of becoming a democratic Islamic party? This article will provide significant insight into crucial aspects of the IM that have been previously overlooked. While being in a Zionist coalition gave hardly any latitude in decision making about policies, budgets were an attractive avenue for the Islamic Movement to guide public opinion and gain political support. The article comes during the ongoing war on Gaza, which will undoubtedly cast a shadow on the political climate and the political map in Israel in general and on the political work of Arab parties and the Islamic Movement in particular. Although it is too early to predict the impact of this war on the Islamic Movement and its political future, it can be assumed that the impact will be profound. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]