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This article discusses two papers by Steven Stern and Daniel Goldin that delve into the concepts of selfobject experience and empathy in psychoanalysis. The author highlights the need to explicitly articulate implicit theoretical concepts and acknowledges the influence of subjectivity and sociocultural positioning on understanding these concepts. Stern's paper explores the idea of a complex selfobject experience and introduces the notions of fittedness and specificity of connection. The author relates Stern's ideas to their own work on twinship experiences. The article also addresses the dangers of dehumanizing others through objectification and reductionism, both in clinical practice and in broader societal contexts. The concept of empathy and its role in therapy are also discussed. The author examines the ideas presented in two other papers, one by Stern and one by Goldin, and reflects on how these ideas relate to the issue of difference. The author suggests that empathy involves recognizing both similarities and differences between individuals, and that therapy can only be effective when these aspects are acknowledged and embraced. The author also advocates for a more self-aware and less ethnocentric approach to therapy in order to better address issues of difference. [Extracted from the article]

Scholars examining racial stereotyping and prejudice in racially organised social systems have largely focused on how non-White ethnic and racial groups experience racial stereotyping in White-majority national contexts such as the US, Australia and European countries. There is only scant scholarship on experiences of ethno-racial communities in Black-majority countries such as South Africa, a country where Whites are a minority. Even though there is ample scholarly work on racial stereotyping of racial groups in South Africa such as Coloured people, much of it is focused on their experiences during colonial and Apartheid eras. Little is understood about how Coloured people experience racial stigmatisation in post-Apartheid South Africa. This paper addresses this gap. Based on interviews with fourteen Coloured participants from Westbury, Johannesburg, this study found that many interviewees claimed that Coloured South Africans were negatively racially stereotyped as people who use drugs, as aggressive and violent people, as alcoholics and as criminals. Many participants also resisted and countered the negative stereotypes by talking about Coloured people in positive ways, which shows their agency. The negative stereotyping of Coloured people which prevailed during colonial and Apartheid times is still deployed by society to describe Coloured people in post-Apartheid South Africa. To capture the continuity of negative stereotyping in South Africa about Coloured people, I developed the analytical term of 'perpetual racial stereotyping'. Many decades after the end of the Apartheid system, negative racial stereotyping of Coloured South Africans still continues in everyday life, and Coloured people are still associated with racist prejudices, narratives, discourses and stereotypes that were invented many decades ago by settler colonialism and Apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the dynamics of water governance in South Africa during the colonial and apartheid periods, focusing on the socio-economic and political invented water scarcity experienced by black communities. By exploring historical policies and legislation, such as the Irrigation and Conservation of Water Act No. 8 of 1912, the Riparian Rights principle, and the Water Act of 1956, this study sheds light on black people's systemic exclusion and marginalisation from accessing water resources. The analysis reveals how water governance practices were utilised as instruments of power and control, disproportionately favouring European settlers and reinforcing racial inequalities. Implementing discriminatory policies, forming reserves and forcing removals to Bantustans, establishing segregated water supply systems, and discriminatory practices in farms, mines, and urban townships, resulted in invented water scarcity for black communities. The deliberate exclusion of black communities from equitable water access created systemic disadvantages, impacting health, livelihoods, and socio-economic development. This paper argues that invented water scarcity was integral to colonial and apartheid strategies, further entrenching power imbalances and exacerbating socio-economic disparities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper examines Nadine Gordimer's The Conservationist (1974) in order to present a postcolonial reading of it in light of Homi K. Bhabha's ideas. It firstly discusses the significance of this novel and its narrative style, along with its context (Apartheid and the Zulu culture). Then it examines the central characters (Mehring and Jacobus) with the help of Bhabha's key concepts of hybridity and mimicry. The paper analyzes the relationship between the foreign white master, Mehring, and his native black servants, and underlines that the displaced colonial subjects (such as Jacobus) can, through mimicry, defy the oppression of imperial hegemony from within. In the text of Gordimer's novel we can witness the formation of new cultural hybrids. It is characteristic of Gordimer's fiction to reflect upon interactions between European and indigenous cultures. It is also argued that the funeral at the very end of the novel is in fact a transformation; for one, it brings about a change of focus and the readers shall end the novel bearing the memory of the black man in their minds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Apartheid had been enduring before the United Nations (UN), since its adoption as a state policy in South Africa. But in the early years of the global organisation, the UN's members responded to apartheid in very different ways from one another. The UN anti-Apartheid regimes arose and then evolved with particulars that had an impact on South Africa's race relations. The impact of the UN's anti-Apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations is obscured and creates a gap that has yet to be scrutinised in the country's relations with the world. To learn about this impact, it is proper that the paper examine UN resolutions with a special focus on adopted decisions of the General Assembly (GA) about racial conflict in South Africa during the period between 1952 and 1974. An analysis of GA decisions is critical because it reveals the persistence and intensifying international unacceptability of racial discrimination and the desirability of applying sanctions to South Africa, and it makes the UN a focus for anti-apartheid lobbying. It is also critical because they provided a conduit for the UN to disseminate information about apartheid, monitor member state actions related to the matter, and address South Africa's denial of the UN's authority to address the issue. The period under study is important because it exposed the contradiction with which white South Africans lived and had lived over the centuries, that their sense of right and justice had driven them to give with one hand; and that their fears had made them take away with the other, and it marked the beginning of increased international opposition to South Africa's apartheid policy action, which led to an eventual suspension of the country from participating in the work of the GA. This paper concerns the impact of the UN's anti-apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations. It reveals that the UN body has, over the years, sought solutions rather than merely engaging in rhetoric in a setting in which South Africa's policy of apartheid provided a concrete precedent. The paper used qualitative research methods to analyse the impact of the UN's anti-Apartheid regimes on South Africa's race relations. Sources used for analysis included published books, journals, and internet sources. The article sheds light on international policymaking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I consider a selection of photographs of a man of color from a luxury book of male nudes, Images (1982), aimed at white gay men and published in South Africa by Alternative Books (AB) in the late apartheid period. Given the exclusive association of assimilable homosexuality with whiteness in the national gay press and other homoerotic commodities available in South Africa at the same historical juncture, I propose that these photographs, which interrupted longstanding, racist homoerotic iconographies, elicited experiences of ambivalence (and thus critical reflection) amongst their historical audiences. To this end, I analyze the editorial and commercial content of the newspapers Link/Skakel and Exit for the period that AB was active (1981-1991), anticipating an overlap of readership between these papers and the publisher's titles. More precisely, I discuss the prevalence of the figure of the "good homosexual" and representations of classical (that is, white) male beauty in these papers to plot how apartheid logic was broadly reproduced (and same-sex desire disciplined according to such dictates) in mainstream South African gay movements, institutions, and print cultures during this time, but, notably, not in Images .

All over the world, individuals rely on forests for food security, nutrition, and the sustenance of their livelihoods. Forests serve as a source of personal and economic consumption, where harvested products are used directly or sold for profit. Consequently, forests play a crucial role in ensuring food security and supporting the livelihoods of people worldwide. In South Africa, natural forests and woodlands hold particular significance for the well-being of rural communities. These ecosystems provide a variety of socio-economic and ecological benefits to communities residing within or near such forested areas. The Dukuduku forest is an integral part of a sensitive ecosystem at both national and continental levels. It is intricately connected to the iSimangaliso Wetland Park, contributing to the economic development and natural diversity of South Africa. Thus, discussing one area without considering the other is impossible. This paper relies on a combination of archival sources, including newspapers, research reports, and various written and oral accounts gathered from interviews with land claimants, community leaders, traditional leaders, local farmers, and residents of the area. The central argument posited is that the primary source of conflict in the Dukuduku forest arises from the state's efforts to displace forest residents whose livelihoods have historically depended on the forest. The paper aims to illustrate that the racialization of the destruction of this indigenous forest has not served the interests of either the state or environmentalists. Forest residents have employed diverse strategies to resist evictions, resulting in the substantial destruction of the forest and at least sixty percent of the flood plain along the uMfolozi River. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ubuntu has been defined as a moral quality of human beings, as a philosophy or an ethic, as African humanism, and as a worldview. This paper explores these definitions as conceptual tools for understanding the cultural, educational, and philosophical landscape of post-apartheid South Africa. Key to this understanding is the Althusserian concept of state apparatus. Louis Althusser divides the state apparatus into two forces: the repressive state apparatus (RSA); and the ideological state apparatus (ISA). RSAs curtail the working classes, predominately through direct violence or the threat of violence, whereas ISAs function primarily by ideology, including forms of organised religion, the education system, family units, legal systems, trade unions, political parties, and media. This paper discusses the link between increasing inequality in post-apartheid South Africa and education, with specific reference to Althusser's ISAs and the abuse of Ubuntu as a subterfuge for socio-economic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xenophobia in South Africa is often depicted as anti-immigrant sentiments and stereotypes that emanate from social, political, and economic misconceptions. This paper argues that though the causes of xenophobia are many and complex, they stem from the dashed hopes of independence and the legacy of apartheid. This narrative has over the years been overshadowed by the view that xenophobic attacks in South Africa are a product of hate and anti-migration. We argue that the failure of successive governments of the ANC to correct the wrongs of the apartheid past and make the economy inclusive has stoked the tensions between citizens and foreign nationals. To underscore this point, this paper undertakes a discussion on the pertinent implications of the political trajectory of xenophobia in South Africa and makes some recommendations on what can be done to reduce incidences of xenophobic attacks in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The expansion of public history in the context of the 'decolonial turn' has generated conversations about the potential productive and mutually constitutive relations between the two. While recognizing that there is no predetermined connection between public history and emancipatory politics, this paper focuses on the strand in public history associated with movements of anti-colonization and decolonialization. In particular contexts, the ideas and practices of public history can present as acts of resistance, of which there are numerous examples. The focus here is on South Africa where the emergence of people's history (an early instantiation of public history) was closely associated with the anti-apartheid struggle, itself a late instance of decolonization. People's history proliferated during the 1980s and was both separately and co-produced by progressive scholars at some universities and activists in the internal liberation movements. The paper examines the evolution of the articulation of public history and emancipatory politics, from the anti-apartheid struggle to the democratic era, with particular reference to universities. Whereas the latter were important sites for the expansion of public history until the early 2000s, the adoption by university managements of corporatist models has reinforced hierarchical relations between institutions of higher learning and outside publics, thus narrowing the scope for the practice of a public history that seeks to maintain and grow its connection to emancipatory politics and movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, we explore relations between race, capital and wildlife conservation in the town of Hoedspruit and its surroundings, which has developed into one of the main centres of the lucrative and rapidly growing 'wildlife economy' in South Africa. Behind its image as a shining 'green' example of wildlife-based development is a highly unequal and racialised state of affairs that is deeply unsustainable. At the core of these dynamics are private wildlife reserves, high-end nature-based tourism and gated 'wildlife estates', which have further consolidated land into private, mostly white, ownership. In addition to contestations about the building of a shopping mall and land claims, Hoedspruit's wildlife economy is dependent upon black labourers who commute daily from former homeland areas. Municipal efforts to mediate this situation by building affordable housing, have been thwarted by several wealthy inhabitants and property developers. We build on Mbembe's 'logic of enclosure' to argue that the wildlife economy and its 'green' image perpetuate and reinvent older forms of colonial and apartheid geographies of segregation, in effect creating a form of 'new green apartheid'. While physical-geographical enclosures are at the centre of the wildlife economy, we show that they are reinforced by class and racial enclosures and ideological enclosures, the latter consisting of both the belief in the market as a natural solution for social and environmental causes and apartheid as an historical era that has now ended. We conclude that Hoedspruit serves as an important example of the regressive and unsustainable forms of development that the wildlife economy in South Africa can create. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors of this paper adopted a transformative framework in this article to examine how the legacy of apartheid continues to manifest within higher education in South Africa. In particular, the authors analyzed (a) how mainstream mentoring knowledge of 'black' and 'marginalized' people have influenced mentoring in post-apartheid South Africa; (b) varied ways in which mentoring initiatives and programs have been silenced and ignored previously marginalized voices through the application of apartheid mentoring knowledge, and (c) shared how the mentors/lecturers and students show and tell their stories about the demands of mentoring and the emphasis of contextual and responsive mentoring for the previously marginalized people in higher education in South Africa. The shortage of mentoring has been cited as a crucial reason for women's lack of advancement in leadership. Implications for advancing transformation through mentoring in higher education in South Africa are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the onset of the apartheid era, Jewish women across South Africa began to publish community cookbooks to raise money for Jewish schools, synagogues, and other organizations. Through their combination of recipes, titles, advertisements, prefaces, and guidelines, community cookbooks narrated the economic, social, and cultural successes of the women who compiled them. In the postwar period, South African Jewish women sought a place for themselves in Jewish communal life, and in the white middle class of the country's new apartheid order. By producing and consuming community cookbooks, these women armed themselves with the organizational platform and the cultural capital that would help them claim that place. In order to be able to step into the public sphere while meeting their domestic obligations, they came to rely on the invisibilized labor of the black women who worked in their homes and kitchens. The paper uses cookbooks to think critically about the position of South African Jews in the apartheid system, analyzing how Jewish women benefited from the privileges of whiteness in the intimate arena of their homes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the architectural and demographic dynamics of Jerusalem, examining public discourse to determine the presence of neo-colonial ethnic segregation and socio-spatial divisions. Furthermore, it aims to discern the underlying motivations influencing urban architecture and to identify challenges within Jerusalem's demographic and architectural frameworks. Approach of the study encompasses an extensive review of academic publications, news articles, and both qualitative and quantitative data. The study includes documentation and archival research published in both international and national journals. Significant focus is placed on studies from global and regional organizations such as UNESCO, ICOMOS, the UN, IPCC, the EU, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES), UNICEF in the State of Palestine, and various urban delineation and conservation projects by TIKA across the Jerusalem (al-Quds) metropolitan region. The paper critically assesses the city's evolution into a space characterized by ethnonational divisions, heightened militarization, and increasing violence, which suggest a shift from an ethnocracy' to an 'urban apartheid.' Finally, this paper proposes transitioning from ethnocracy' to 'democracy' as a solution for achieving a truly modern and democratic Jerusalem metropolis. Keywords: Urban Apartheid, Demography, Ethnocracy, Cultural Heritage, Jerusalem, Introduction Jerusalem stands as a city emblematic of profound historical, religious, and cultural significance, yet it is also a locus of intense geopolitical contestation. This unique city not only captures [...]

Irma Brenman Pick, a highly respected British psychoanalyst, has passed away at the age of 89. Originally from South Africa, she moved to the UK in 1955 and received training in child psychotherapy and analytic training. She was known for her clinical work, teaching, and supervision, and was a Distinguished Fellow of the British Psychoanalytical Society. Brenman Pick believed that the analyst's emotional openness to the patient was crucial in therapy, contrary to traditional views that see countertransference as a problem. Her influential paper, "Working Through in the Countertransference," explored how the analyst's work with their own countertransference feelings can deepen the analytic process. [Extracted from the article]

Writing against the backdrop of a complex postcolonial, multilingual scenario and discriminatory language policies of post-apartheid, independent South Africa, contemporary South African anglophone writers resort to appropriation and abrogation of English language by mixing marginalised languages to actualise their own linguistic identities. Sindiwe Magona has amalgamated her mother-tongue isiXhosa with the English language to counter the dominance of the English language and to question the language policies of both apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa. Specifically, in her autobiographical writings, To My Children's Children (1990) and Forced to Grow (1992), she has used code switching, translation and transliteration to relate the Xhosa culture and life. These works exemplify the process of a South African writer's linguistic struggle to reach a global audience and to enlighten them about the issues of linguistic discrimination in South Africa while writing in English. Applying the theory of translanguaging, this paper analyses Magona's autobiographies and aims to discuss how bilingual or multilingual writers gain their authority or linguistic competence in a lingua franca and create a dialogic space in their literary works that dismantles the hegemony of English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores Duncan Bell's heuristic of the mythscape as a means to conceptualize the nationalistic narrativization of the sporting past. Bell approaches the forging of national identity through evocations of the past as mythologized: that is, partial, contested, power-laden, and perpetually mutating. First, we introduce Bell's concept as a means to evaluate the selective, contested and shifting construction of the sporting past through the prism of nationalism. We first chart the narrativisation of the New Zealand – South African rugby rivalry within popular literature during the apartheid era (1948–1994). This was characterized by the production of 'governing' myths and oppositional narrations from the 1960s onward. We then evaluate subsequent post-apartheid narrativizations (1994 onwards) within popular rugby histories, focussing on the 1986 Cavaliers rugby tour to South Africa – the final event in apartheid-era rugby ties between the two nations. We explore how writers use particular narratives, and what they have chosen to exclude, and how it informs a national mythscape. We find the rehabilitation of governing myths that sanitize and redact connections between New Zealand rugby and apartheid. This is symptomatic of a selective construction that valorizes rugby as a idealized national institution. Finally, we offer comments on the utility of the mythscapes concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts a historical sociological approach that closely links analysis to common trends in development or the application of sociology to problems by describing history as a field of inquiry and reflection, focusing on what calls for comparison. Addressing such a topic requires a paleontological analysis to determine the geostrategic background of the alliance between imperialism and Zionism: “To think well on political and social fields, one must read well into the historical field.” This study adopts a forceful high-pitched tone, that showcases aggression instead of war, especially since war is related to the use of force between two or more countries, according to Karl Clausewitz, while what Gaza is witnessing is an aggression of a military state against a liberation movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses apartheid political history and ‘coloured’ identity challenges in South African society. A textual analysis of Nadine Gordimer’s My Son’s Story (MSS, 1990) adheres to understanding ‘coloured’ identity struggle as an ‘Other’ and their racial marginality during apartheid. This research deeply studies race and identity theories with Frantz Fanon’s psychological notion of racism, decolonisation and the idea of cross-racial relations are important to analyse MSS. A textual study of MSS is significant for examining the impact of apartheid on ‘coloured’ characters. This research finds that ‘coloured’ community’s struggle and their racial consciousness of being other were political and psychological challenges during apartheid time. To put in a nutshell, apartheid stories are not individual representations but these are collectively representing the ‘coloured’ community's struggle in South Africa. Racial consciousness of being other was a form of racial exclusion so, a discussion on ‘coloured’ discourse becomes important to contextualise political history. The negligence of the ‘coloured’ issues during apartheid questioned the psychological development of ‘coloured’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by Karen Barad's agential realism and Donna Haraway's use of the Chthulucene, our paper profoundly troubles and unsettles the humanist subject that has been the cause of so much trouble. Re-turning to a government primary school in Cape Town as the "research site," we adopt temporal and spatial diffraction as a postqualitative research methodology. The colonial practices related to land ownership, are not in the past, but remain in its be(com)ing. Land "use" in South Africa during Apartheid, was, and still is, a form of violence. Thinking-with Neimanis and McLauchlan, we understand a school as not separate from the phenomenon of climate change, but as one of its sites and as a feminist project. A diffractive image articulates aesthetically and politically how the land as the more-than-human is a significant part of the phenomenon and queers school as a concept and "research site." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-1994 era in the South African public imagination was envisaged to herald widespread and transformative efforts to reverse the gross injustices and human rights violations inflicted over many decades of apartheid and colonialism. One of the key measures initiated by the democratic government to drive this nation building project was the land reform programme. The ‘land question’, which is a popular tagline in South Africa when reference is made to land reform, has come to define the general discourse of socioeconomic disadvantage and change in the post-apartheid and post-colonial period – similarly to other former settler colonies in the African continent and the broader Global South. For South Africa though, this specific issue has been characterised by numerous challenges and failures largely at the level of the state, wherein a significant lack of public engagement, public participation and democratic redistribution was not being done according to ‘the will of the people’. On several occasions, the South African state has gone on a ‘solo crusade’ to implement the land reform programme under complex conditions that are largely unfavoured by ordinary people ‘on the ground’ – especially those who were the primary victims of land dispossession under colonialism and apartheid. As a result, over the past few years, indigenous black communities across the country especially in (semi)urban and township areas have voluntarily ‘occupied’ land at their own will and sometimes ‘illegally’, to take up settlement space and determine their lives on the land of their birth. Beyond the public discourse of ‘land invasions’ and ‘failed land reform projects’, this study was conducted to closely understand the extent to which public engagement and participation has been integral in the systematic mechanism(s) to transform the patterns of land ownership and control in the democratic South Africa. To do this, the site of KwaZakhele, Silvertown, in Port Elizabeth was selected to conduct the study. Methodologically, qualitative semi-structured interviews were utilised to conduct the study and the Marxist Concept of Citizenship was selected as a theoretical framework for the study by the researcher. The study has found that, amongst the general legislative and political shortfalls of public participation breakdown, there are other deep seated structural socioeconomic issues that are at the root of the problem – such as economic inequalities and very low prospects of social mobility – which collectively reproduce the persistent inadequacies of political instability and social unrest in the area. The study recommends an astute combination of ‘bottom-up’ active citizenship and major socioeconomic transformation in the area as a systematic and structural mechanism to empower the community of Silvertown to be the champion of its own liberation struggle for the freedom of its people to own land and democratically participate in their own governance, self-determination, and prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘Connected or committed critic?’ Theologically pondered on the issue of ‘Insider’- or ‘Outsider’ critic in South Africa: During the beginning of 2023, a conference was organised by a study group to be held in Stellenbosch later that year with the focus on the ideology of apartheid in South Africa, with special reference to prof. B.B. Keet, one of the first theologians to oppose this ideology. The author of this article was invited to attend the conference and present a paper. Unfortunately the conference did not take place, for various reasons, and subsequently the author decided to finalise his paper and present it as an article for publication. The author decided to look into the matter from two opposing views which were called ‘connected critic’ (criticism of the insider) on the one hand, and ‘committed critic’ (criticism of the outsider) on the other hand. Which road should be followed by prophetic theologians in their church, when they become convinced that their church is contradicting the Word of God and the gospel of Jesus Christ? Should they stay inside the church (connected critic) and contribute their criticism from there, or should they leave the church while raising their voice from outside the church (committed critic)? Contribution: The article starts with an introduction that investigates the views of Keet. Then three other voices are analysed, namely those of prof. W.D. Jonker of Stellenbosch (connected critic), Beyers Naudé of Johannesburg (committed critic) and at last the voice of the author himself (connected critic). In the end, the author explains why he had chosen for the option to be a connected critic. In a final conclusion, a few remarks are made as far as the future of South Africa is concerned.

In September 2020 Deutsche Bank published a report entitled "The Age of Disorder." Fronted dramatically by the image of a volcano and volley of lightning across a brooding sky, the report warned that the global economy was on the precipice of a phase shift from neo-liberal quasi-stability to an era characterized by dramatic social, economic, and ecological upheavals. Deutsche Bank's researchers call this new period "the age of disorder". This paper proposes Deutsche Bank's appraisal is part of a broader condition that it calls capitalist catastrophism and an emerging regime of eco-apartheid. Taking as its point of departure Geoff Mann and Joel Wainwright's call for geographers to construct concepts that might help navigate a hotter planet, the paper introduces capitalist catastrophism as a concept that names and theorizes the effects of a dramatic and asymmetrically catastrophic reconfiguration of the capitalist world-system. Capitalist catastrophism has three characteristics. First, a newfound ability for social movements and theorists to imagine post-capitalist futures combined with an inability to realize them. Second, cascading and mutually amplifying social and ecological crises that outrun the capacities of states and capital to contain them. Third, an unevenly distributed cancellation of human and non-human futures. Drawing on Marxist political economy and Nyasha Mboti's theorization of apartheid, the paper concludes that capitalist catastrophism is resolving itself into a global system of eco-apartheid in which a green transition for some is secured by putting the exploited and oppressed majority in harm's way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Omran for Social Sciences is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of Palestine Studies / Filistin Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Bulletin of Palestine Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Gaza War is a watershed moment not only in the Middle East. It has also increased political divisions in Germany, where Israel's security and the fight against anti-Semitism are part of its historical legacy and political and moral identity. Incidents of anti-Semitism have increased dramatically, as have overdrawn accusations of it. An analysis of controversies about the definition of anti-Semitism, about the use of the term apartheid for the situation in the West Bank, of the BDS movement (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions), and particularly the characterization of Israel as a settler-colonial state shows how difficult it has become to maintain a fair, honest, and frank discussion considering different points of view. The current crisis should be used as an opportunity for Germany to, on the one hand, face the unavoidable contradictions in its responsibilities stemming from the crimes of its Nazi past and, on the other hand, come to grips not only with Arab and Iranian terrorism and eliminationist rhetoric but also with the deficiencies in Israel's policies toward the Palestinians. Germany's new leitmotiv ought to be: 'Between the River and the Sea, Jews and Arabs should be free.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Azmi Bishara's new book, Palestine: Matters of Truth and Justice, brings together historical, political, and strategic analyses that Bishara developed from the 1990s to the late 2010s. The book provides clear-eyed critiques of the Zionist settler colonial project, its evolution into a system of permanent apartheid, and the long-term challenges facing the Palestine liberation movement. Current debates about Palestine liberation are animated by emancipatory visions of decolonization, principled forms of joint struggle, and a reassertion of Palestinian feminism. Much of this work builds on Bishara's critical analysis and political praxis. His new book will become an important resource as Palestinian political movements and their allies mobilize to abolish the structures of settler colonialism, racial capitalism, heteropatriarchy, and empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about complaint-making as a form of political participation in the NGO sector. It focuses on public scrutiny of Oxfam's use of Barclays Bank during the anti-apartheid boycott of the bank in the 1970s and 1980s and analyses pro-boycott and anti-boycott correspondence to Oxfam during this period. The article uses the Barclays boycott case to illustrate the dynamics of public-institution relationships during a period in which the NGO sector rapidly expanded and professionalised. It argues that not all donors favoured shallow or passive relationships with the NGOs that they supported. In this example, donors mobilised as a distinct type of 'consumer-supporter-activist'. Finally, the article shows how the Barclays controversy stimulated public debate around the ideal boundaries between the 'charitable' and the 'political'. It argues that apartheid South Africa stimulated far greater public engagement on this issue than other areas of Oxfam's work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SYNOPSIS: Although South Africa's Apartheid system legally ended with the advent of democracy in 1994, by 2021 only 15 percent of chartered accountants were Black. This is despite the fact that 80 percent of the South African population is Black. We examine this underrepresentation through interviews with 22 Black South Africans who earned their chartered accountancy certification in the second decade of the 21st century. This study reveals the similarities and differences between the experiences of those we interviewed and those who initially broke into the profession in the 20th century (see Hammond, Clayton, and Arnold 2009). In both eras, entry to the field was constricted by professional closure. While the officially mandated educational and employment barriers that previous generations faced have been dismantled, Black aspirants continue to face immense barriers to entering the profession. Their experiences suggest ways forward in making the worldwide profession more diverse, equitable, and inclusive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite South Africa's unique demographics, shaped by a history of apartheid and ongoing inequality, its built environment has so far been unable to extricate itself from its inglorious past. This portends that the quality and impact of infrastructure developed concentrates on the few at the expense of the many. This study delves into the multifaceted challenges that impede the full realization of an inclusive built environment sector by reviewing extant studies on these issues through a mixed review and blending this with statistical evidence from document analysis on professional development in the South African built environment. We explore how diversity factors intersect to create structural impediments in the pursuit of professionalization. The findings underscore the critical importance of inclusion in the built environment profession, potential policy and institutional changes required to address these challenges, and the web of demographic factors influencing access, opportunities, and success within the built environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Born a Crime: Stories from South African Childhood is a captivating memoir penned by a globally acclaimed South African comedian, Trevor Noah, delving into the hardships he and those around him endured during the oppressive Apartheid-era government and colonialism. This article analyzes instances where the comedian author employs a self-deprecating humour style to add depth to his narrative of stories from South African childhood. To conduct this analysis, we adopt cognitive and incongruity theoretical frameworks. Our methodology is qualitative, involving the analysis of selected texts to present thematic data. The findings reveal that the author's transparency about his life, from the title of the book to his relationships with others, delves into painful details of his childhood experiences during the traumatic history of the nation in which there was oppression. However, he presents these experiences with selfdeprecating humour that simultaneously entertains and educates readers about the socioeconomic issues prevalent in South Africa at the time. Noah's storytelling strategy can be understood within the context of comedians' freedom to explore sensitive matters about themselves to entertain their audience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zwelidumile "Dumile" Feni's affecting journey unfolds as he flees South Africa in 1968, seeking political exile in England until 1978, and subsequently relocating to the United States, where he painted and sculpted until his passing in 1991. The spectral echoes of his life find resonance in his daughter's narrative within Ramadan Suleman and Bhekizizwe Peterson's film 'Zwelidumile'. This article argues that we must situate this documentary in context by examining the emotional toll and narrative accounts of the longer history of displacement brought about by colonialism and apartheid. The analysis begins by listening to the haunting signs within the documentary, revealing three moving themes. The first theme peels back the layers of secrecy, spotlighting the revelation of Marriam's biological father - drawing attention to the spectral and melancholic imbrication. The narrative then explores Feni's life in exile, examining his deliberate silence on familial matters in South Africa. The last of the three themes looks into Marriam's acknowledged but bewildering loss, exploring its implications for a sense of self and continuity. Zwelidumile exemplifies Bhekizizwe Peterson's steadfast commitment to shedding light on the complex nuances of the black experience and emphasising narrative's vital role as an essential component of what makes us human. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa remains an unequal society even nearly three decades post-apartheid. This puts the country in the limelight of the discourse on racism and its enduring effects. This article contributes to the literature on the effects of racism in South Africa particularly for the Black population group. Social inequality during and after apartheid is examined highlighting legal devices that entrenched racial discrimination in the country. The enduring social inequality for Blacks was emphasized through national survey research that has consistently over the years shown this group to be disproportionately affected. The authors then interrogated, using a psychological lens the effects that social inequality could have on three behavioral outcomes: aggression, crime, and social trust for Blacks. These variables were examined in the context of social inequality as a push factor for their manifestations. The authors emphasize the importance of providing a forum to uncover and address the trauma of the apartheid era on Blacks. Lastly, the importance of addressing the socio-economic inequality experienced by Blacks to ensure their wellbeing and capacity for self-restraint was emphasized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article surveys the development of historical work on South African Jews. Topics discussed include contributions of the South African Sociological and Historical Society to South African Jewish historiography, historians' works on Jewish communal life and identity, works that counter narratives of the apartheid state, and studies on antisemitism or internal Jewish life, migration, resistance to racism, Zionism and anti-Zionism, religion and religious observance, literature and arts.

The article situates Zionist-socialist youth movements in relation to the various traditions of radicalism in apartheid South Africa from 1948 to 1970. Topics discussed include the youth movements Habonim and Hashomer Hatzair, social and emotional motives and fear of antisemitism among young recruits to Zionist-socialist movements and their radicalization, intergenerational conflict and Zionist-socialism under apartheid, and activism in Israel and its influence of Jewish South African youth.

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Scholars examining racial stereotyping and prejudice in racially organised social systems have largely focused on how non-White ethnic and racial groups experience racial stereotyping in White-majority national contexts such as the US, Australia and European countries. There is only scant scholarship on experiences of ethno-racial communities in Black-majority countries such as South Africa, a country where Whites are a minority. Even though there is ample scholarly work on racial stereotyping of racial groups in South Africa such as Coloured people, much of it is focused on their experiences during colonial and Apartheid eras. Little is understood about how Coloured people experience racial stigmatisation in post-Apartheid South Africa. This paper addresses this gap. Based on interviews with fourteen Coloured participants from Westbury, Johannesburg, this study found that many interviewees claimed that Coloured South Africans were negatively racially stereotyped as people who use drugs, as aggressive and violent people, as alcoholics and as criminals. Many participants also resisted and countered the negative stereotypes by talking about Coloured people in positive ways, which shows their agency. The negative stereotyping of Coloured people which prevailed during colonial and Apartheid times is still deployed by society to describe Coloured people in post-Apartheid South Africa. To capture the continuity of negative stereotyping in South Africa about Coloured people, I developed the analytical term of ‘perpetual racial stereotyping’. Many decades after the end of the Apartheid system, negative racial stereotyping of Coloured South Africans still continues in everyday life, and Coloured people are still associated with racist prejudices, narratives, discourses and stereotypes that were invented many decades ago by settler colonialism and Apartheid.