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All over the world, individuals rely on forests for food security, nutrition, and the sustenance of their livelihoods. Forests serve as a source of personal and economic consumption, where harvested products are used directly or sold for profit. Consequently, forests play a crucial role in ensuring food security and supporting the livelihoods of people worldwide. In South Africa, natural forests and woodlands hold particular significance for the well-being of rural communities. These ecosystems provide a variety of socio-economic and ecological benefits to communities residing within or near such forested areas. The Dukuduku forest is an integral part of a sensitive ecosystem at both national and continental levels. It is intricately connected to the iSimangaliso Wetland Park, contributing to the economic development and natural diversity of South Africa. Thus, discussing one area without considering the other is impossible. This paper relies on a combination of archival sources, including newspapers, research reports, and various written and oral accounts gathered from interviews with land claimants, community leaders, traditional leaders, local farmers, and residents of the area. The central argument posited is that the primary source of conflict in the Dukuduku forest arises from the state's efforts to displace forest residents whose livelihoods have historically depended on the forest. The paper aims to illustrate that the racialization of the destruction of this indigenous forest has not served the interests of either the state or environmentalists. Forest residents have employed diverse strategies to resist evictions, resulting in the substantial destruction of the forest and at least sixty percent of the flood plain along the uMfolozi River. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the designed transformation of South African political identity and its constitutional framework as a core aspect of the democratization of South Africa. It compares the racist and exclusive identity of the apartheid state with a redesigned identity of an inclusive and open 'Rainbow Nation', a concept coined by Archbishop Desmond Tutu and spearheaded by Nelson R. Mandela along with the African National Congress. The study considers changes in the legal framework of identity politics, from the Republic of South Africa Constitution Act of 1983 (and the previous apartheid republican Constitution of 1961) through the interim democratic Constitution of 1993 to the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa of 1996. It discusses the possible significance of the 18 amendments to the act regarding South Africans' social and political identities, and establishes a complex and detailed portrayal of the republic's legal framework of identity politics. The study combines legal, political, and cultural analysis of the role of law in formatting social and political identities, using survey results to test its impact on society. In conclusion, the paper considers the effects of post-apartheid identity transformation in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa is undergoing a rapid decline in social and political cohesion at various scales. This paper explores Cape Town's experience of socio-territorial messages and identities deployed by the City administration and the leading party, the Democratic Alliance. I focus on relational constructions of the subjectivity of the 'ratepayer' and the deserving Capetownian as constructed in the City and the DA's discourse and policy measures in juxtaposition to 'street people' and other supposedly deviant urban subjects and how, as such, the wilful ignorance of the first remains both unchallenged and in service of an exclusionary and unjust spatial order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic governments sometimes use violence against their people, yet little is known about the electoral consequences of these events. Studying South Africa's Marikana massacre, we document how a new opposition party formed as a direct result of violence, quantify significant electoral losses for the incumbent, and show that those losses were driven by voters switching from the incumbent to the new party. Three lessons emerge. First, incumbents who preside over state violence may be held electorally accountable by voters. Second, such accountability seemingly depends on the existence of credible opposition parties that can serve as a vector for disaffected voters. Where such parties do not exist, violence may create political cleavages that facilitate the formalization of opposition movements. Third, immediate proximity to violence is correlated with holding incumbents accountable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the advent of South Africa's democracy in 1994, there has been an increasing demand by stakeholders for several public services due to a variation of complex and challenging events that have taken place and reported both in social and academic circles. In the context of the Northern Cape, there has been a continued increase in unemployment and poor service delivery coupled with an inability of the Department of Economic Development and Tourism (DEDaT) to achieve clean audit reports from the Auditor-General of South Africa (AGSA). This development raises questions about the implementation of ERM processes. Thus, this study aimed to assess the implementation of ERM processes using DEDaT as a case study. The study sought to determine the ERM systems currently deployed and the extent to which the ERM components are utilized by DEDaT. Data was gathered through in-depth interviews using a qualitative approach. A sample of eighteen participants who are ERM role players at DEDaT described their knowledge and experiences on the implementation of ERM systems and how the components are applied. From the findings, two main themes, namely, ‘ERM systems deployed at DEDaT’ and ‘perceptions on ERM components that are utilized,' emerged with related subthemes. The study revealed that DEDaT has ERM systems in place, however there were gaps in key areas that need improvement to enhance the ERM instrument. Furthermore, the research found that a set of eight components were utilized to implement the ERM process. The study suggested recommendations to management for further research and policy direction on implementing ERM in the public sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of the state in promoting development and economic transformation in South Africa has been the subject of diverse viewpoints and discussions. With the transition to democracy in 1994, progress on various socio-economic indicators has been achieved due to the macro-level programs instituted by the African National Congress (ANC) led government. The current economic situation in South Africa, influenced by globalization, involves various powerful entities such as global and national capital, the apartheid elite (mostly white), and the emerging black elite connected to the ANC. These dynamics have an intricate impact on the working class, reshaping power structures in the country. This article delves into the developmental impact of key socio-economic programs of the ANC, notably the Reconstruction and Development Program and the Growth, Employment, and Redistribution Plan. It explicitly examines access to basic services like housing, electricity, water, and sanitation, shedding light on their impact. The focus also extends to the persistent issues of unemployment and resulting income inequalities within South Africa. These programs' effects on these societal challenges are thoroughly analyzed. Ultimately, the article highlights the starkly unequal developmental outcomes, showcasing how significant portions of South African society remain excluded despite these initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]