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Bolivia prohibits discrimination based on gender identity and passed a ground-breaking gender identity law. These laws had little support among voters and passed along with heteronormative measures. Why did activists succeed in proposing and passing legislation that most voters did not support? Why were Bolivia's advances in LGBTQ+ rights accompanied by heteronormative laws? We argue that parties with deep ties to social movements are more likely to advance legislation that expands LGBTQ+ rights than other parties and that contradictory laws emerge where both organized religion and LGBTQ+ activists are party constituents. We describe how Bolivian trans activists leveraged their access to ruling party legislators, using interviews with activists and officials, and briefly discuss the cases of Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Movements by indigenous peoples against neoliberal extractivist processes in Latin America have traditionally employed strategies focused on territorial recognition of their identity and culture. The issue under investigation is the recent resurgence of post-extractivist territorial-based social movements that are using strategies based on innovative economic models and creative development. The objective is to study these territorial social movements and socioecological conflicts by analyzing cases in the Andean-Amazonian region in Bolivia and Colombia. The methodology is qualitative and ethnographic, based on interviews and documentary analysis. In the case of the Rositas River in Bolivia, indigenous communities and producers have organized to oppose the construction of a dam and hydroelectric project. In the Colombian region of Cauca, the dispute is over 20,000 hectares of sugarcane monoculture where the local community is fighting to grow corn, beans and yucca. The common characteristics of these movements are ecofeminist involvement, autonomous forms of collective action and political experimentation, new languages, and patterns of struggle and mobilization including the deployment of international alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Social Movements and Political Parties: Notes to Continue a Research Agenda" discusses the interaction between social movements and political parties, highlighting the importance of studying these relationships. The case of the Movement for Socialism (MAS) in Bolivia is mentioned as a successful example of articulation between movements and parties. It is argued that movement parties are hybrid forms of collective action that challenge classical models of party building. Additionally, it analyzes how these interactions can reconfigure the internal life of established parties and party systems as a whole. It also reflects on the relationship between movements and parties as an independent variable, highlighting how crisis situations can foster intense interaction between the two. The article also provides a list of bibliographic references related to the topic. [Extracted from the article]

When investigating social outbursts, the analysis tends to focus on social mobilization. Taking the case of the social outburst in Bolivia in 2019, this article instead explores the links between social movements and political parties, and their effect on electoral performance. Social movements played an important role in setting the scene for the outburst and in bringing the subsequent crisis to an end. Given their proximity in time, the 2019 and 2020 elections offer a singular opportunity to examine the electoral effect of social movements-political parties links in the context of social outburst. The article analyses four connections between social movements and political parties: Movimiento al Socialismo, Comunidad Ciudadana, Bolivia dice No and Creemos. It identifies and explores the qualitative differences among the linkages built in these four cases, which range from organic party, movement party to circumstantial alliances. These are related to the dissimilar electoral results while considering the political scenario in which they operate. The analysis suggests that the linking of political parties with social movements and civil society organizations has become a condition for electoral success in Bolivia, in a scenario in which social protest constitutes a conventional channel for political participation and articulation of citizen demands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]