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Copyright of Revista de Economia e Sociologia Rural is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Economia e Sociologia Rural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Colombia has recently witnessed the emergence of new geographies, which opens new scenarios of analysis and political contexts leading to a better understanding of the multiplicity of humans–non‐humans and their territories, territorialities and their rights. These geographies enter dialogue with other disciplinary trajectories and Indigenous and Afro‐descendant perspectives. These new perspectives also interact with critical, feminist and decolonial geographies. These encounters have led to the arrival of new approaches, which I call destabilising geographies. The proposals positioned from these new perspectives look to decolonise the founding binary categories of geography. They are perspectives and proposals that destabilise institutionalised visions of geography because they emerge with and from social processes and movements that require political spaces and the recognition of territorial and environmental rights. These geographies propose an opening to other ontologies and epistemologies that contribute to the complexity of the categories of territory, body‐territory, human–non‐human territories, the political and the collective. They also reveal the racial territorial processes of extractive dynamics and armed conflict. In this text, I develop the following emergences: dissident feminist geographies, geographies of racialised extractivism, Black geographies and Indigenous relational spatialities. These reflections are based on my experience of over 16 years of teaching in the geography programme at Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Colombian has recently witnessed of the emergence of new geographies, which opens new scenarios of analysis and political contexts that lead to a better understanding of the multiplicity of humans‐non‐humans and their territories, territorialities, and their rights. I call these geographies, destabilising geographies because propose an opening to other ontologies and epistemologies that contribute to the complexity of the categories of territory, body‐territory, human‐non‐human territories, the political, and the collective. I develop the following emergences: dissident feminist geographies, geographies of racialized extractivism, black geographies, and indigenous relational spacialities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under what conditions are radical alternatives to state-led diplomacy feasible? Diplomatic studies have so far denied attention to those diplomatic practices taking place without national mediation. Building on the concept of diplomacy from below (DFB), the article aims to understand under what conditions this newly theorised form of alternative diplomacy is possible in contexts of armed violence. To do so, we present the case of the diplomatic action of the (post)autonomist Association Ya Basta! between 1997 and 2004. The study adopts an interpretivist approach, reconstructing activists' stories along four conflict scenarios (Mexico, Palestine, Colombia, and Iraq). The empirical analysis allowed for formulating a "working hypothesis" according to which DFB is feasible only among groups sharing an ideological background and under minimum-security conditions for freedom of movement and physical integrity. The paper innovates debates on (para)diplomacy and opens a new research agenda on diplomatic interactions between subaltern groups in (post)conflict scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the role of spiritual ceremonies known as "mystics" in the popular politics of grassroots organizations in Colombia. Based on an ethnographic approach to the Popular and Spiritual Inauguration of Gustavo Petro and Francia Márquez, I argue that the mystic constitutes an experimental and popular form of political (re)composition that involves the institution, activation, and/or reorientation of affective ties between bodies. I also propose that this ceremony constitutes a form of political articulation that works with and produces difference without the promise of a synthesis, the success of which depends on being flexible enough to allow the entry within popular and institutional politics of historically marginalized aesthetic, spiritual, and political sensibilities linked to different horizons of struggle. In the end, the article reflects on the place of bodies, materiality, and aesthetics in the processes of political (re)composition. Resumen: El artículo aborda el papel de las ceremonias espirituales conocidas como "místicas" en la política popular de organizaciones de base en Colombia. A partir de una aproximación etnográfica a la Posesión Popular y Espiritual de Gustavo Petro y Francia Márquez, sostengo que la mística constituye una forma experimental y popular de (re)composición política que pasa por la institución, activación y/o reorientación de vínculos afectivos entre los cuerpos. Planteo, así mismo, que la mística constituye una forma de articulación política que trabaja con y produce la diferencia sin la promesa de una síntesis, cuyo éxito depende de ser lo suficientemente flexible para permitir la entrada en la política popular e institucional de sensibilidades estéticas, espirituales y políticas históricamente marginadas, ligadas a diferentes horizontes de lucha. Al final, el artículo reflexiona sobre el lugar de los cuerpos, la materialidad y la estética en los procesos de (re)composición política. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of ethnization has led since the 1980s to the most important political victories of Black social movements in Colombia's Pacific region. Scholars who study this process have highlighted the notable role played by sectors of the local Catholic church in the historical formation and consolidation of these movements. These entanglements between ethnicity and an inculturated popular catholicism, have mostly been analyzed from a strategic perspective: within a juridically oriented activism this ethnic identification became crucial for the traction of Black communities' demands in national and international liberal juridical frames. Less attention has been paid to the theological and ecclesiological perspective from which the pastoral work of the local church in this region understood the need of inculturation in Black peoples' circumstances and struggles, and its embeddedness in the materiality of their territorial rootedness and social practices. Elaborating on the notion of incarnation that is crucial in this theology, this article attempts to unearth a distinctive, non-secular ontology of the social that is performed in this historical experience. The way in which this distinctive onto-theo-logy of the social conceives the materiality of collective life is put into dialogue with other important interventions in the study of popular religiosities in Latin America, which have pondered the spatial experience of the divine in ethnic communities' relation to land, or the forms of sociality among human and more than human agencies in a cosmopolitical field. Resumen: Desde los años 1980 un proceso de etnización ha llevado a las victorias políticas más importantes de los movimientos sociales afrodescendientes en el pacífico colombiano. Las investigaciones sobre este proceso resaltan el papel notable de sectores de la iglesia católica de la región en la formación de algunos de estos movimientos. Allí, los análisis de los entrelazamientos entre la etnicidad afro y un catolicismo popular insubordinado tienden a resaltar su dimensión estratégica: en un activismo orientado hacia lo jurídico esta identificación étnica se tornó necesaria para que las demandas de las comunidades negras tuvieran tracción en los marcos jurídicos nacionales e internacionales. Pero menos atención se le ha prestado a la perspectiva teológica y eclesiológica desde la cual el trabajo pastoral de la iglesia enraizada en esta región comprendió la necesidad de su inculturación en los trasegares y luchas del pueblo negro, y de su inmersión en la materialidad de su arraigo territorial y sus prácticas sociales. Este artículo elabora sobre la noción de "encarnación" que es crucial en esta teología, con el fin de desenterrar una ontología de lo social distintiva, no secular, que se dramatiza en esta experiencia histórica. La concepción de la materialidad de la vida en común en esta onto-teo-logía la abre a diálogos con otras intervenciones importantes en torno a las religiosidades populares en América Latina. Aquellas que han reflexionado sobre la experiencia espacial de la divinidad en la relación con la tierra de comunidades étnicas, o en las formas de sociabilidad entre agencias humanas y más que humanas en un campo cosmopolítico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the book "The Social Outburst 2021. Expressions of Life and Resistance," which addresses the social outburst in Colombia. The importance of analyzing social outbursts in their historical and socioeconomic context is highlighted. The international influence of protests in the United States and the police response from the government of Iván Duque are mentioned. The dispute over urban surplus as the terrain of conflict is emphasized, and the formation of an alternative social and political movement is proposed. The role of the indigenous minga and the demolition of monuments as expressions of anti-colonial struggle are also mentioned. The importance of maintaining the memory of the protests is emphasized. [Extracted from the article]

Movements by indigenous peoples against neoliberal extractivist processes in Latin America have traditionally employed strategies focused on territorial recognition of their identity and culture. The issue under investigation is the recent resurgence of post-extractivist territorial-based social movements that are using strategies based on innovative economic models and creative development. The objective is to study these territorial social movements and socioecological conflicts by analyzing cases in the Andean-Amazonian region in Bolivia and Colombia. The methodology is qualitative and ethnographic, based on interviews and documentary analysis. In the case of the Rositas River in Bolivia, indigenous communities and producers have organized to oppose the construction of a dam and hydroelectric project. In the Colombian region of Cauca, the dispute is over 20,000 hectares of sugarcane monoculture where the local community is fighting to grow corn, beans and yucca. The common characteristics of these movements are ecofeminist involvement, autonomous forms of collective action and political experimentation, new languages, and patterns of struggle and mobilization including the deployment of international alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Waves of Protest, Social Outbursts, and Political Parties in Latin America: Dynamics and Consequences" analyzes the relationship between social movements and political parties in Latin America. It highlights the increase in the frequency and impact of protests and social outbursts in the region in recent years. The causes, internal dynamics, and strategies adopted by mobilized actors are investigated, as well as the consequences of these strategies for achieving their objectives and democratic progress. The bidirectional relationship between social movements and political parties is also examined, as well as other forms of influence in the political system. Specific cases in Chile, Colombia, and Peru are mentioned to illustrate the diversity of results and challenges faced by social movements in the region. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of understanding how the strategies of social movements are shaped by the political, social, and economic context in which they operate. [Extracted from the article]

In 2017, 97,61% of the people of Cumaral, Colombia, voted in a popular consultation against having the oil industry in their municipality. However, this historical result was challenged by the government in court and ultimately overturned in 2018. By looking into the origins and strategies employed by Cumaral's environmental movement, we argue that their success involved turning a diverse, and even contradictory, collective into a singular voice that could reject the state's development agenda. We thus highlight the combination of factors that led to the consultation result showing that an effective way of resistance can be achieved through the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]