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The article discusses the relationship between organized labor and the climate movement in the United States. It highlights the breakthrough that occurred during the 2023 auto workers strike, where the United Auto Workers (UAW) endorsed the transition to climate-safe cars and trucks. The article explores the concept of "climate alienation," where workers contribute to climate destruction through their labor, and how this has influenced labor's reluctance to support climate protection measures. It also discusses the emergence of a labor-climate movement that aims to challenge the "jobs vs. climate" frame and promote a just transition to a more sustainable economy. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of labor's support for climate protection and the potential for unions to propose plans for climate-safe production that increase worker power and address inequalities. [Extracted from the article]

The circulation of the discourse as well as the direct actions of the United Kingdom's YouthStrike4Climate movement is analysed by considering the production of movement discourses in conjunction with the way in which the movement self-mediates those discourses and actions, the way the mainstream media represents them and how they were received by non-activist citizens as well as political elites. It was found that the movement discourse invokes crisis and a sense of emergency to act; the need for a green new deal is proposed with an emphasis on intersectional climate justice and more democracy and inclusion of youth voices. The Internet, social media and cloud-based platforms were used a lot, to communicate both outwards and inwards. However, the resonance of social media engagement was relatively low. Mainstream media resonance, on the contrary, was quite high and overall relatively positive, although there was also evidence of belittlement and misogyny. The movement has played its role, among others, to increase awareness of climate change and the need to act, but the direct actions of the movement were less supported and there is also still a gap in terms of class and race, which will require a more embodied rather than performative intersectionality with regard to environmental issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the role of climate change as a persistent, systemic, long-term inflationary driver. The inflationary impacts of climate change have been commonly overlooked in the economic literature. As global temperatures rise and extreme weather events become more frequent and severe, the inflationary effects of climate change will only intensify. These effects could be further exacerbated by the considerable pricing power of the corporate sector. As a persistent inflationary driver, climate change poses a serious threat to central banks' ability to maintain price stability mandates. The traditional tools of monetary policy will be ineffective in curbing climate change-induced price pressures. Further, growth-based Green New Deal and related fiscal policies will be ineffective at mitigating climate change and reducing its inflationary impacts. Unless degrowth solutions are sought, climate change and its price effects will only intensify over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Review of Radical Political Economics is calling for papers for a special issue on climate change and capitalism. The journal is seeking manuscripts that provide a range of critical political economic perspectives on the topic, as well as a variety of methods, approaches, and geographic focuses. They particularly encourage submissions from climate activists, scholars in the Global South, early career researchers, and scholars from historically excluded groups. The journal provides a list of possible subjects for the special issue, including theoretical and empirical interventions, historical or contemporary analyses, critiques of economic analysis, and models of climate justice and anti-capitalist struggles. Submissions must adhere to the journal's guidelines and will undergo peer review. [Extracted from the article]

As a whole, the Green New Deal (GND) is discussed as one of the most promising political projects to address social justice targets together with climate goals. Yet, as most individual GNDs focus on the national level, concerns about global justice have largely remained absent from early debates, leading some to conclude that the GND reproduces neocolonial and extractivist schemes. To analyse programs for a GND in relation to issues of global justice requires an analytical framework able to evaluate justice claims in extended geographies. Drawing on the later work of political theorist Iris Marion Young, we develop a framework that foregrounds three principles: shared responsibilities for environmental harm of global reach, self-determination for those effected by these harms, and a forward-looking political responsibility to address the structures producing and sustaining injustice. We employ this framework to conduct a qualitative content analysis of four selected GND proposals from the UK, the EU and the US. This analysis indicates that all selected GNDs acknowledge in principle the global reach of responsibilities and formulate (limited) proposals to address these in different fields. However, they do not think of global justice in terms of a forward-looking notion of political responsibility that acknowledges the need of structural reforms and the self-determination of those experiencing harm. Instead, when addressing justice beyond the level of the nation state, these GNDs fall back on a notion of distributive justice. Based on the work of Young, we conclude with a set of propositions for global democratic structures that would support the outlined principles of global justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]