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Peace advocates had been active in Britain since the beginning of the nineteenth century, but they were not perceived as a threat that warranted police attention. This changed with the First World War when war resistance and conscientious objection came to be widely seen as a danger to national security. This article seeks to explore the ways in which the British police, hailed far and wide, both in England and abroad, for their tolerance compared to their European counterparts, used their dramatically extended powers to supervise the anti-war campaigns and the circumstances that affected their activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of 11 September 2001, scholars and commentators concerned about civil liberties looked back to the 1970s with an air of nostalgia. Back then, they argued, Congress exposed and constrained executive abuses of civil liberties, most notably through the Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities (the 'Church Committee') and the 1978 Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA); whereas, since 9/11, Congress has largely accepted a variety of constitutionally dubious activities as part of the 'War on Terror.' This article argues that these accounts get the history wrong. Drawing on the Church Committee's hearings and reports, internal executive branch communications, and the legislative history of FISA, it makes three core claims. First, the Church Committee was more valuable as a source of historical documentation rather than real-time exposure. Second, executive officials took crucial steps towards intelligence reform before the Church Committee was established. Third, the two legislative fruits of the Church Committee – FISA and the creation of permanent intelligence committees in Congress – were forged in a cooperative, rather than adversarial interbranch environment. Thus, the post-Vietnam Congress is best described as a partner, rather than a combatant, in the process of intelligence reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The influence of civil liberties and political rights on environmental disclosure, and the moderating effect of board gender diversity on the relationship between civil liberties and political rights and environmental disclosure, have not to date been studied in detail, as evidenced by the previous literature available. Therefore, this study aims to analyse how these institutional factors affect corporate environmental disclosure practices across different countries. The firms in our sample operate in 36 countries, spread across all the continents, and the period covered is 2009–2019. The database used to collect economic, social, environmental and governance data is Thomson Reuters' ASSET4, while the items for measuring civil liberty and political rights scores come from the Freedom House organisation (https://freedomhouse.org). The method used for estimating the model is the generalised method of moments (GMM) proposed by Arellano and Bond. The main findings of the study show that levels of civil liberty and political rights in the countries where the firms operate are positively associated with environmental disclosure. Furthermore, according to our evidence, the presence of female directors on boards plays a positive moderating role in the relationship between the level of civil liberty and environmental disclosure and between political rights and environmental disclosure. Additional robustness analyses corroborate our findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares different measures of democracy to determine how they impact breach of contract risk, especially in postcolonial states that are more likely to suffer from neopatrimonialism with their imported state apparatus. By demonstrating how the normative measure of democracy, which emphasises respect for civil liberties, is more impactful in reducing breach of contract risk than the procedural measure that emphasises institutions, this article highlights the nonoptimal consequences of institutionalised democratisation without the normative dimension. The main findings are that while there is significant variation between the normative and procedural measures of democracy, it is increases in the normative measure of democracy that better promote accountability and the rule of law, thereby more effectively reducing breach of contract risk. We conclude that democratic norms must parallel progress in democratic form so to enable better (lower) breach of contract risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public significance statement Canada's 2022 Freedom Convoy protests and blockades caused significant disruption, and many Canadians advocated for strong, forceful, and even autocratic responses from their government. In democratic nations, autocratic leadership is typically seen as undesirable and receives less support than democratic leadership. However, when group members experience significant identity‐related self‐uncertainty, they may have an accentuated desire for strong, directive leadership to help manage the uncertainty. Canadian participants (N = 406) reported their level of self‐uncertainty, rated how autocratic they perceived Prime Minister Justin Trudeau to be, reported their level of support for Justin Trudeau, and reported their support for strong responses to the Freedom Convoy. Self‐uncertainty moderated the relationship between leadership style and leader support. Perceived autocratic leadership style predicted significantly less leader support, but this relationship was weakened among participants high in self‐uncertainty, who reported increased support for an autocratic leader. Further, self‐uncertainty predicted a greater desire for a strong leader, willingness to restrict civil liberties, and support for expanded government powers. These results suggest that the typical preference for democratic leadership weakens when self‐uncertainty is elevated.Uncertainty about one's identity lays the groundwork for autocratic leadership to emerge. Elevated self‐uncertainty was associated with a greater desire for a strong leader who is willing to challenge democratic values and practices, a greater willingness to restrict civil liberties, greater support for expanded government powers in response to a national crisis, and greater support for a national leader perceived as autocratic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we evaluate the effect of international terrorism on the civil liberties of the targeted states from 1972 through 2018, using a cross-country dataset. To deal with the problem of selection and control for the pre-attack dynamics, we use a potential outcomes framework to uncover the effect of the treatment on the outcome variable over time. In democracies, civil liberties are restricted after an international terrorist attack. The identified impact of international terrorism on civil liberties suggests an extended "state of emergency" period, as explained by the significant negative initial response, 1–8 years after an international attack occurs. Contrarily, we provide evidence for increased respect for civil liberties 2–10 years after an international attack occurs in authoritarian settings. The estimated effect appears to be non-negligible and robust across various specifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper theorises how the institutional logics of civil liberties and religion shape the social value creation outcome of social enterprises (SEs). While the study found that both logics of civil liberties and religion directly affect SEs' work, they also interact with the degree of rationalisation in SEs and jointly influence their social value creation outcome. The hypotheses are tested using a unique dataset of 119 faith-based international SEs. The findings show that the demands of institutional logics are moderated by the rationalised management practices of SEs and shape how they respond to the multifaceted institutional pressures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada and the US maintain one of the closest international partnerships in the world, but there are concerns about its future. Donald Trump's election generated anxieties about the rise of autarkic or authoritarian politics in the region. These worries persist as it remains to be seen whether the Trump administration was a temporary interruption to liberal governance or a signifier of more profound change. Canadian security scholars have contemplated whether an illiberal shift may disrupt the US-Canada security community. This article intervenes in these discussions by emphasizing the extent to which prejudices and political policing have fostered the community's emergence and operation. Archival investigation reveals that illiberal practices have proven reconcilable with a liberal identity throughout the community's development. Therefore, without dismissing existing concerns, we should be vigilant of the possibility that the security community may be internalized within democratic retrenchment, rather than corroded by it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protests against coronavirus policies have occurred in all European countries. The intensity of protest varies strongly, however. We explain this variation by strategic choices that protest organizers make to maintain the protest movement. Specifically, we argue that protest organizers pay heed to the dynamics of the pandemic in their country: the number of protest events is higher when and where mortality rates are lower and containment policies are more stringent. At the same time, the number of protest events is influenced by political factors. Despite the fact that civil liberties facilitate trust in government, these two variables exert opposite effects: while higher trust in government and public administration reduces the number of protest events, stronger civil liberties increase the number of protest events. We find evidence for these hypotheses in an analysis of the number of monthly protest events based on information from ACLED, the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project, in 28 European countries between March 2020 and August 2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In studies on the functioning of the public sector there are surveys examining the determinants of corruption, including the level of fiscal decentralisation in the light of economic and social development. However, there is a dearth of survey data presenting the impact of the revenue side of this decentralisation in the context of civil liberties. Thus, the aim of the paper is to examine the influence of tax revenue decentralisation and civil liberties on corruption based on the OECD countries, taking into account the impacts of a country's size, scope of the public sector and public procurements, macroeconomic uncertainty, and interactions between tax revenue decentralisation and civil liberties on the phenomenon under study. The empirical study concerns 38 OECD countries in the period 2012-2022. Therefore, longitudinal data models were estimated, namely the fixed effects model and panel quantile regression with fixed effects using the method of moments. The survey showed that an increase in tax revenue decentralisation causes a decrease in corruption. In addition, civil liberties and their interaction with aforementioned decentralisation may determine corruption; however, this is heterogeneous throughout the distribution of corruption level. In addition, the scope of the public sector and macroeconomic uncertainty stimulate rent-seeking behaviour, which weakens the institutional foundations to counteract corruption. Thus, policymakers should be aware that the growing scope of the public sector, government fragmentation, and the functioning of bottlenecks in the performance of official duties at sub-national level might lead to a decrease in the efficiency of anti-corruption policy or programmes. Based on the findings, it is crucial to ensure price stability to reduce the analysed dysfunction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Restrictions on travel and quarantine on arrival are typical strategies imposed by public health authorities during pandemics. While much research has analyzed the consequences of policies about global public health emergencies including COVID-19, to date there has been little discussion of the social consequences of these policies. We undertook an exploratory study using qualitative research to understand the social impacts experienced by travelers as a result of the restriction policies implemented in China following its implementation of a zero-COVID policy. Using online sources and 40 interviews with quarantine hotel staff, government officials, and arrivees to China, we found that the people with a strong justification for travelling during the pandemic were significantly affected by the restrictions, resulting in them experiencing a wide range of negative social impacts, including on their: psychosocial health and wellbeing; family cohesion; social networks; the experience of unexpected and unpleasant circumstances; and a sense of persecution. These outcomes were partly a consequence of the characteristics of Chinese society and the returnees themselves, and were influenced by the government's COVID management strategies. With medical experts having dominated the battle against the virus, ordinary people's feelings and concerns were ignored. We argue that these also need to be understood and considered in the planning of public health strategies. To improve outcomes in future situations, much can be learned from the field of Social Impact Assessment (SIA), especially in terms of understanding how people are affected, and to achieve acceptance and a social licence for pandemic management strategies, the importance of meaningful community engagement, ongoing monitoring, adaptive management, and an effective grievance redress mechanism. Our paper enriches the understanding of SIA when applied in the policy arena, and it demonstrates the value of a SIA perspective for improving social outcomes in public health emergencies. It also adds to understanding the consequences of pandemics and restriction policies on people. • The concerns of arrivees have been ignored in management of the COVID pandemic. • Restriction policies have significantly affected people other than just travelers. • Although various elites dominate the battle against virus, people's feelings matter. • National policies should consider the unintended consequences of actions. • A Social Impact Assessment perspective helps analyze the social impacts of policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]