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What is the purpose of lengthy negotiations when a coalition government forms? Do they make a difference in coalition policy‐making? Negotiations that produce policy agreements between coalition partners have been suggested to strengthen the capacity of coalition governments to make policy reforms. We argue that bargaining time, regardless if it results in a written policy agreement or not, is an investment in future government reform productivity. Longer negotiation periods indicate that the bargaining parties have negotiated deals over conflicting policy issues and have allowed parties to build trust between them and gain support for future policies within the party organization, promoting reform productivity. Further, we expect that longer negotiation periods can mitigate problems of policy conflict within cabinets, thereby resulting in higher reform productivity. We evaluate our theoretical expectations using a data set on economic reform measures introduced in 10 Western European countries (1978–2017), based on a coding of more than 1000 periodical country reports issued by the Economist Intelligence Unit and the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development. The results show support for our expectations, demonstrating that economic reform productivity is higher in coalition governments that have bargained for a longer time when forming. We also find support for the claim that bargaining time mitigates the negative effect of intra‐cabinet ideological conflict on reform productivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current article examines the economic growth effect of tax transition reform in developing countries. Tax transition reform is defined here as the process that entails the convergence of developing countries' tax structure toward that of developed countries. The analysis covers a sample of 101 developing countries over the period of 1980 to 2019. The empirical analysis that makes use of the two-step system generalized method of moments has shown that tax transition reform promotes economic growth, including in countries with a high share of non-resource tax revenue in total public revenue. These findings have important policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The performance evaluation of local self-government entities is very difficult, as their primary goal is not to make a profit, but to provide services to their residents that will contribute to an increase in their quality of life. In this context, it is necessary to evaluate their activity from the point of view of several available criteria, for which it is possible to find relevant and recognized sources. The presented research works with five criteria, identified by the Institute for Economic and Social Reforms, and aims to quantify the agreement of the results of the assessment of the financial health of territorial self-government entities in 2020 using the TOPSIS technique with a gradually decreasing number of criteria. For this purpose, a total of 26 combinations of criteria are created, with the number of 5, 4, 3 and 2 used criteria, the importance of which is determined based on their absolute variability using the standard deviation method. The results obtained in this way are interpreted using a wide range of mathematical and statistical methods including the Kolmogorov-Smirnov test, Levene test, Jaccard index and others. As a result, the multi-criteria evaluation of territorial self-government subjects (in our case, district cities) proved to be highly applicable. However, the result itself is largely determined by the structure and number of entry criteria. Based on the performed analyses, we can see that significant differences result from their reduction. Each such reduction has an impact on the overall results, but it is possible to find combinations that defy this conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the popular podcast series Violation as its point of departure this article examines the dramaturgy within the parole system its affective politics and its performative speech acts to consider its role in the perpetuation of mass incarceration in the United States. By training an eye on the affective economy of parole hearings this article explores the retributive turn in the criminal legal process in the wake of neoliberal economic reforms. It focuses on the anxious performance of remorse within parole hearings as a key form of affective currency that could potentially secure release from incarceration. In the process the article examines the significant role that remorse plays in parole hearings in entrenching a dispositional conception of personal responsibility in the criminal legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past 22 years in Turkey can be divided into two sub-periods: during the 2002–10 period, the first AKP era, the party was broadly positioned as a moderate Islamist party with a clear intent to revive the failing economy of the country. The Turkish economy, in terms of mainstream standard criteria used by international organizations like the IMF, improved significantly during this period, in particular until the global financial crisis of 2008, through liberalization and reinforcing the country's EU candidacy bid through a series of economic and democratic reforms. The second period, from 2009–11, and particularly from 2013 onwards, marked the second AKP era, which was defined by serious economic problems and an explicit authoritarian shift. The country's political and institutional environment experienced serious backward steps in terms of both economic reform and democratization during this second decade of the AKP regime. Several significant incidents marked the increasingly authoritarian style of the regime: the Gezi protests of the summer of 2013, the intra-Islamist split between AKP and the Gülen movement in late 2013, the presidential election of 2014, and the failed coup attempt of July 2016 and the harsh authoritarian reaction that followed. Although it was still possible to label Turkey a flawed or illiberal democracy before mid-2015, the developments since the June 2015 elections and particularly after the July 2016 coup attempt (and counter-offensive) have led more observers to opt for sub-categories of authoritarianism instead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores the veracity and reliability of existing approaches to conducting disparity studies by methodologically drawing on a 54-city, nine-firm analysis, with over 900 diverse businesses surveyed. Despite efforts to initiate systemic development opportunities for diverse businesses, disparity studies merely alert society to obstinate challenges that hinder access to government contracts for diverse businesses. The intended rationale for a disparity study is to provide a "strong basis on the evidence" to support race-conscious remedial tools in government procurement. They establish evidence of discrimination that affects businesses, however, the nature of their content and structural form limits their potential for economic reform. This inefficiency presents questions on methods used to procure these studies, implies criticism of the industry that produces these studies, and suggests questions on whether localities are remedying discriminatory practices. A large portion of disparity studies do not adequately address the historical context, challenges to inclusive procurement, or contextual understanding of the communities affected. While some studies have policy chapters that address these issues, this material is not standardized. The tendency towards isomorphism reaffirms past practices for these studies while ignoring the present, enervating challenges faced within these communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this project I will analyse the factors which determined the extent the Soviet economy was in by the end of the Gorbachev era and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.Many people in former USSR states, have blamed Gorbachev for the break of the Soviet Union and for the sharp economic downturn. To assess exactly how true this statement is, it is important to look at the state of the economy during his time, as well as looking at the USSR at the time of its best, which was the prosperous period of the late 60s and the early 70s. To do this effectively, I will look at, and analyse different areas of the economy such as agriculture, military and the social sector in the different periods of time, which will be the yearly Brezhnev period, the stagnation period and the Gorbachev era. I will also evaluate whether it was purely economic decisions which affected the state of the economy or whether some other things such as the characters of the leaders or political policies also had an effect on the economy. In comparing the difference between the successful economic growth of the early Brezhnev period of 1964-1973 and the decline of the Soviet economy in the late 1980s, as well as looking what has happened to the economy along the way and what contributed to its eventual decline, I can assess exactly how bad the economy was doing in the last years of the USSR and conclude whether, and if it did, then to what extent, the economy turn into a catastrophe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The history of economic policy development during the New Order era in Indonesia reflects the political and economic dynamics that shaped the nation's development trajectory. Initially, the New Order government adopted a centralized and authoritarian economic development model, emphasizing industrialization and modernization. While these programs spurred economic growth, they also led to social inequality and political tensions. The late 1990s currency crisis, particularly the 1997 Asian financial crisis, significantly destabilized Indonesia's economy. Economic policies of the New Order era, characterized by dependence on foreign debt and imprudent monetary practices, rendered Indonesia susceptible to global financial market fluctuations. The impact of the crisis was profound, manifesting in a sharp decline in economic growth, a currency crisis, and a banking crisis, which compelled the government to implement urgent economic reforms. These reforms included financial sector restructuring, economic deregulation, and enhanced transparency in public financial management. This study provides an in-depth analysis of the New Order's economic policies and the subsequent impact of the currency crisis on Indonesia's economy.

While pro‐market economic institutions are a strong and causal predictor of economic development, such institutions are not expected to have the same impact across countries. Furthermore, there are actually a few instances where countries that enacted market‐friendly reforms had negative economic growth soon after. Examining 49 cases of large and sustained increases in economic freedom over a five year window, we find 10 cases that were followed by low/negative economic growth thereafter. We consider various potential determinants of failed reforms by comparing different measures between the successful and failed reforming countries. Our strongest evidence points to the following as plausible reasons for failed reforms: culture (high levels of power distance, low levels of individualism, and low levels of generalized trust), areas of economic freedom that countries reformed (less focus on sound monetary policy, more focus on limiting the size of government, and more variance between the five areas), and autocratic political institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study challenges traditional rentier state theory and contributes to a new generation of scholarship focused on state-business relations by evaluating the relationship between different degrees of state policymaking autonomy and business elite influences in political and economic institutions. The findings of this study address central policy questions about economic reform in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries. Using primary data from my case studies of Qatar and Kuwait, I posit two arguments. First, states with lesser business elite influence over political institutions have more autonomy to realise their economic reform goals; a less dominant and influential business elite circle will more likely submit to state-led economic reform initiatives. Greater business elite dominance, meanwhile, tends to create a powerful bloc undercutting economic change, such as labour reform or new regulatory frameworks, that would benefit the long-term stability of the state. Second, rentier states with higher degrees of state-led capitalism have more autonomy to conduct economic reforms; state-led capitalism produces more coherent and cohesive state apparatuses that can incentivize business elite cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine changed the European Union's attitude towards enlargement. Whereas five years previously European leaders had suggested that any expansion of the EU should be put on hold, suddenly they embraced potential membership for Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova and the Western Balkans. Enlargement is the strongest instrument that the EU has to bring stability to and foster reform in bordering countries. But that strategy invites risk. Countries might join before their democracies are stable and before European institutions are ready to accommodate a wider and more diverse membership. Nevertheless, enlargement is better than the alternative. Russian victory over Ukraine would threaten not only the security of the EU but also the functioning of the single market, efforts to fight inflation and the stability of the financial system. The EU needs enlargement to protect the European commons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Clinton administration’s drive to enact reform in Ukraine during the 1990s was viewed at the time as being necessary for the nation’s revitalization and re-integration into Western Europe. Decades later, these policies have been critiqued for antagonizing the Kremlin, causing it to seek political control over its former satellite. This paper addresses the viability of the Clinton administration’s efforts and the reasons for their ultimate failure. It finds that despite its best intentions, the administration’s economic strategy faced unanticipated resistance from the Kremlin, as long-standing ties with Kiev undermined US-led efforts for economic and political reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Issues related to shadow economy operation in Bulgaria and its socio-economic effects have been constantly a subject of extensive academic research. This was especially valid for the 1990s – the first decade of the market transition and related social, political, and economic reforms. Various studies aimed in understanding the multifaceted nature of undeclared work and its implications on the country's economic system. Policy-oriented research focused on issues concerning policymakers providing insights into the main drivers of the grey economy, enabling the development of targeted measures to address these underlying causes. This perspective is essential in understanding the shadow economy in Bulgaria as a former transition country not as an isolated phenomenon but as an integral part of the economic fabric that requires sophisticated and multifaceted responses. Furthermore, the methodological experience of researchers in monitoring the shadow economy in Bulgaria has evolved significantly, with a blend of statistical and sociological approaches being applied. In this respect, questionnaire surveys applying modern sociological standards as well as both micro- and macro-econometric analyses have been utilized. Particularly, various surveys have been instrumental in informing the policymaking in respect of the support to the national strategy for measuring, restricting, and preventing shadow economic activities. Additionally, the academic literature on the hidden economy in Bulgaria reflects on various socio-economic effects, including social legitimacy and economic expediency, viewing the grey economy as a parallel economic reality composed of life strategies that adapt to, neutralize, or completely ignore formal rules. This review article emphasizes on the complexity of the shadow economy issues in Bulgaria and the need for implementing comprehensive approaches to its study and evaluation. The ongoing academic discourse underscores the importance of continuous research and the adaptation of methodologies to capture the dynamic nature of this phenomenon. Moreover, the hidden economy has implications for tax morale, resulting in lower government revenues and impacting the country's ability to reach the goals of its national development programmes and sustainable growth. Particularly, the focus of the current review is put on a selection of recent studies that provides valuable information beneficial for the justification of different strategies to mitigate the negative impacts of the shadow economy, thereby fostering a more transparent and robust economic environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the potential impact of foreign direct investment (FDI) on Bosnia and Herzegovina's political and economic landscape in the wake of the Bosnian Genocide. It examines how FDI could act as a catalyst for political and economic reform, addressing the systemic issues created by the Dayton Peace Accord that have led to political stagnation and economic instability.

The Duterte administration (2016–2022) rode into office on the back of the previous governments' economic reform momentum that, in 2013, eventually culminated in the country's first ever investment grade rating since the 1986 EDSA revolution. This paper reviews the data and evidence on the economic performance, efforts to institutionalize development, and the backdrop of economic governance that make up the Duterte administration's economic reform legacy. The Duterte administration's economic strategy was largely underpinned by the expansion of a public infrastructure program and funded by additional public revenues from a tax reform program intended to further accelerate the country's growth path. Notwithstanding several key laws, several reforms were widely criticized for falling short in addressing key inequity, governance, and policy implementation issues in the country. The weakening of the rule of law under the Duterte administration also presents an ironic backdrop from which to appreciate his administration's legislative and institutional reforms. Also, the COVID-19 pandemic exposed deep weaknesses in the Philippines' economic model. While some structural challenges preceded the Duterte administration, its pandemic handling was nevertheless criticized as exacerbating the pandemic's social and economic costs. Taken as a whole, the Duterte administration leaves behind a very mixed economic reform legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Economic Policy Researches / İktisat Politikası Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Economic Policy Researches / Iktisat Politikasi Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay examines the impact of Deng Xiaoping’s “To Get Rich is Glorious” concept on China’s economic reforms and its subsequent influence especially in Indonesia. Originating in the late 1970s, this concept spurred economic growth, entrepreneurship, and international engagement in China. The analysis delves into the historical aspects and current economic connections between China and Indonesia. It unveils China’s substantial contribution to Indonesia’s progress in infrastructure, development, digitalization, and industrialization. While bilateral relations present opportunities, challenges such as Indonesia’s reliance on Chinese debt and diplomatic issues are acknowledged. Future outlooks underscore the importance of ongoing collaboration to foster Indonesia’s economic growth, all within the framework of its partnership with China. In essence, Deng’s concept has not just influenced China’s course, but has also left a lasting impact on Indonesia’s economic path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Middle East Journal for Humanities & Cultural Studies is the property of Manar Elsharq for Studies & Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Corruption remains a persistent feature in most transitional and fragile countries, raising questions around the processes and outcomes of international development and economic reforms. In the case of Afghanistan, conventional wisdom tends to blame domestic factors, including corruption, in the collapse of the internationally-backed Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, while largely neglecting the co-constitutive nexus between economic reconstruction, criminality, and political authority. Combining the political marketplace framework with a network analysis, this paper traces how a corrupt network formed around the Kabul Bank, grew and metastasised by leveraging neo-liberal and technocratic economic reform policies, and thus, gravely undermined the country's governance and stability. By doing so, it argues that international reconstruction practices and resources reconfigured power in Afghanistan, and helped create a governance system governed by the logic of a criminalised political marketplace. The paper also demonstrates the utility of a political marketplace lens in explaining evolving political dynamics, with a network analysis to generate deeper insights into the complex interactions between the local and global dynamics that produce criminality, corruption, and state capture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vietnam's long‐term economic growth comparisons with ASEAN nations have been striking since its 1986's economic reforms. Such key factors as economic liberalization, a young population and low‐cost labor, knowledge diffusion, and the manufacturing sector have driven Vietnam's growth. Until 2023, Vietnam has the potential to capitalize on several favorable circumstances, including the diversion of trade and investment from China, the growth of the middle class, and the global digital transformation. Nevertheless, Vietnam's economic growth will confront various obstacles and a declining trajectory that predates the COVID pandemic. To circumvent the risk of falling into the middle‐income trap, this paper proposes "active" economic integration, labor productivity, innovation and research and development, the services sector, and green growth as new growth drivers for Vietnam till 2030. Considering the many policy ideas put forth by the Vietnamese government and the World Bank, this paper presents several distinct recommendations on institution reform and human capital accumulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Shortly after the financial crisis of 2008, Wolfgang Streeck emerged as a highly influential and ambitious critical theorist of capitalism and crisis. Streeck's crisis theory of capitalism is built around an account of neoliberal policy reform as a family of responses to economic upheavals that first emerged during the 1970s. Based on an analysis of four major shocks all occurring in that decade, I argue that Streeck's crisis theory is excessively economistic in its understanding of the crisis tendencies that first propelled neoliberal reform and insufficiently attentive to the global context of their emergence. Theorising the significance of this pivotal historical moment requires more attention to the conflictual entanglements between societies of the Global South and North in the context of decolonisation, war and revolution, and a more nuanced appreciation of the political context of economic reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exogenous reform demands can put leaders in a tight spot where change runs up against structural impediments. Yet, where asymmetries in reform costs occur across domains, leaders can seek to re-frame the impetus of change from one domain to another. Such compensatory behavior is commonplace but is not adequately captured by existing research on linkage politics, forum shopping, or diversionary conflict. This article develops the concept of compensatory foreign policy, whereby leaders use foreign policy change to compensate for unviable economic reforms when they have greater capacity and choice in the former domain. Empirically, we use elite interviews to reconstruct the politics of security policy in the post-Brexit United Kingdom, showing how party leaders focused on foreign policy change when beneficial economic arrangements were precluded. Our argument contributes to recent research on linkage politics by demonstrating the conditions under which leaders seek foreign policy reforms to compensate for economic weakness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In August 2019, The Shenzhen Model City Initiative was released in which the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) announced its decision to support Shenzhen, the long-standing poster city for China's economic reform, in building a demonstration pilot zone for Chinese socialism with a particular emphasis on further developing the city's technological prowess. What are the ideological implications of the latest model-making of Shenzhen? And how does the city's innovative turn relate to its role as the nation's perceived civilizational front line? This study explores the continuities and evolution of contemporary Chinese governance by considering the reinvention of the "Shenzhen Model" in relation to processes of urbanization, globalization and industrial upgrading. Drawing upon Tim Oakes's theory of the "urban" as an ideological device, it examines the (re)making of the "Shenzhen Model" through different discourses, apparatuses and policies related to the city's technological innovation and entrepreneurship. Situating the "Shenzhen Model" at a time of precarity and uncertainty amidst economic growth slowdown, the China-United States trade war and the COVID-19 pandemic, this article demonstrates how the state mobilizes narratives and practices pertinent to technological innovation and entrepreneurship to enhance its political influence and thus sheds light on the latest developments in urban governance during China's post-industrial turn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While economic diversification is crucial for economic development in most countries, it remains a challenge for some low- and middle-income developing nations, as well as for small and non-touristic economies. This research paper assesses the current state of economic diversification in the Arab Maghreb countries, including Algeria (the leading state), which has adopted various strategies to boost its economic diversification across different sectors. The aim is to understand the role of foreign trade liberalization adopted by the Maghreb countries in economic diversification and the extent of its impact on their economic development, positioning them among developed nations. To achieve this, we will examine the economics of these countries, particularly Algeria, to illustrate the close link between foreign trade and the economic development performance of these nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To talk about Africa's economic development without referring to infrastructure investments made by large Chinese corporations would be to deny the changes in international cooperation between the countries of the Global South. An economic and political project of the People's Republic of China, whose strength base has been a Big Government and Big Bank accompanied by economic and financial reforms and a long-term imperial vision, the central hypothesis in Hyman Minsky's work that underlines the importance of public companies and the exercise of a monetary and fiscal policy focused on employment creation with a significant expansion of capital exports. The Great International Financial Crisis (GIFC) strengthened under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) along with a social reproduction process of the State capital with a long-term global vision explains the great Chinese corporations. In this essay, we will demonstrate the positioning and growth of large Chinese corporations, interrelated with profound economic and financial reforms in China since the 1980s. Firstly, the focus will be the investments of China Railway Construction Corporation (CRCC) globally; secondly, there will be a brief account of the investment projects on the African continent; lastly, we will pay particular attention to the institutional investors participating in the CRCC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economica: Revistă Ştiinţifico-Didactică is the property of Academy of Economic Studies of Moldova (AESM) / Academia de Studii Economice din Moldova (AESM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

We examine the contribution of institutional reforms to economic growth. To this end, we distinguish between several classes of institutional reform in the approach to economic liberalisation. Based on a sample of 24 current and former transition economies for the period 1980–2016, we estimate the counterfactual scenarios related to each distinctive institutional approach to the economic liberalisation by making use of the synthetic control method. Our evidence uncovers notable contrasts in the long‐term effectiveness of designated policy approaches in recovering from the transitional recession. A variety of synthetic control estimates suggests that a sustained big bang approach (rapid reforms) appears to be the most effective approach, while an abortive and gradualist approach tends to produce a permanent breakdown of the growth trajectories relative to the estimated counterfactuals. The point estimates survive an extensive battery of placebo tests. By employing the same methodological tool kit, future research could examine the impact of transition reforms on other socio‐economic variables, such as the poverty rates, income inequalities, health and environmental outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the significance of combined feed production within Kazakhstan's agro-industrial sector, highlighting the need for efficient equipment and innovative practices to improve competitiveness and food security. Topics discussed include the challenges of balancing feed production with raw material availability, the impact of outdated machinery, and the importance of organizational and economic reforms in the feed industry.

This article explores the various theories that have been proposed to explain Denmark's remarkable economic growth and prosperity, known as the "great enrichment." These theories include institutionalism, exploitation theory, and free trade theory. However, a new explanation called "innovism" suggests that Denmark's success is due to the fostering of creativity through classical liberal ideas about dignity and liberty. The article provides a historical overview of Denmark's economic development, highlighting the impact of political and economic reforms, the role of the cooperative movement, and the influence of patriotic corporate governance and trade. The authors argue that Denmark's prosperity can be attributed to the adoption of universal ideas of human dignity and economic freedom, and suggest that other nations can learn from Denmark's success by investing in human capital and embracing these principles. [Extracted from the article]