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The article delves into the mysterious mention of the 'Nicolaitans' in Louis the German's dream, as recorded in the Annals of Fulda from 874. Historically associated with heresy, particularly related to sexual misconduct, the term has sparked various interpretations, such as links to married clerics, imperial foes, or heretical beliefs. By examining the historical context and proposing different hypotheses, the text aims to uncover the identity and significance of the Nicolaitans during the Carolingian period. It also discusses the presence of Nicolaitan heresy in a Carolingian manuscript and its potential political ramifications, including its connection to accusations of adultery against Empress Judith. The article sheds light on how accusations of heresy were wielded as political tools in the Carolingian era's power struggles, illustrating the intricate relationship between religious dissent, political maneuvering, and the establishment of Carolingian authority. [Extracted from the article]

This article responds to the familiar characterisation of Mary Warnock as someone whose major achievements as a public intellectual, such as the Report on human fertilisation and embryology, were at the expense of philosophical rigour and integrity. I explicate her lifelong commitment to practical morality, and her understanding of ethics and of the role of feelings in moral judgments, before analysing her important distinction between the private and public moral attitude. 'Public philosophy' is what she believes is necessary for those seeking to make a difference in the world of law and policy. I highlight the importance for her of securing 'acceptable' legal outcomes, especially on issues of bioscientific development which are the subject of irreconcilable moral disagreements. I compare her distinction with others and contrast its use with relevant writing by John Rawls and Thomas Nagel. Finally, I defend her against misjudged criticism from her philosophical contemporaries, most notably Richard Hare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the integrity of academic work has always been vitally important, since the establishment of the International Center for Academic Integrity in 1992 increasing attention has been paid to the area. The term academic integrity now explicitly appears in policy and in job titles or offices tasked with either detection, training, or both. Equally, regulatory, quality and standards agencies, such as Quality and Qualifications Ireland (QQI), the Quality Assurance Agency for Higher Education (QAA) in the UK, and the Australian Tertiary Education Quality and Standards Agency (TEQSA) have mobilised around academic integrity with frameworks, lexicons, charters and networks that offer national guidance and promote shared action and understanding. However, despite efforts to interrogate and standardise the use of the term 'academic integrity' from those working and researching in the field, it is often used inconsistently and frequently conflated with its opposite – academic misconduct – in practice. Our aim, in this paper, is to acknowledge a lack of clarity around the term 'academic integrity' and to address this ambiguity by offering a taxonomy of academic integrity. We will arrive at the taxonomy of academic integrity through philosophical conceptual analysis and making use of pre-existing philosophical work in virtue (and vice) epistemology. The outcome of this analysis will be a taxonomy of academic integrity that represents the various concepts related to it in an organised way, classified into distinct groups, along with a graphic to aid understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Judith A. Allen, a distinguished historian of gender, sexuality, crime, and first wave feminism, passed away in London in 2024. Her career spanned from Australia to America, Canada, and Britain, where she made significant contributions to the field of women's history. Allen's work focused on feminist readings of archival records, challenging traditional narratives and methodologies. She was a respected scholar, mentor, and teacher, leaving behind a lasting impact on the academic community. [Extracted from the article]

Public intellectual and subversive media personality, feminist and anarchist Germaine Greer wrote multiple innovative texts on feminine issues in the 1960s and 70s, and particularly on women's sexuality. Among her less researched texts were those published in counterculture magazines Oz and Suck, both characterized by original and trailblazing verbal and visual contents. In those texts, Greer presented her view of feminine sexuality as a revolutionary force in the struggle for equality, and in the process, provided women with essential, silenced knowledge about their bodies and sexualities. This article discusses Greer's sexual pedagogy for women based on her texts published in both magazines and on the visual images attached to them. These imagetexts are analyzed within the historical context of the sexual revolution and countercultural press of the 1960-70s in Britain and within the theoretical frameworks of critical sexual literacy and critical visual literacy and analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses and contributes to one of the core debates concerning the usage of terminologies such as 'loyalists' and 'rebels', often ascribed to actors involved in the anti-colonial movements across the world. By taking the case of the Indian rebellion of 1857, the paper argues that moments such as this, more often than not, have subtle and nuanced reflections, and the trajectories of responses transcend simplistic categorisations. In the mid-nineteenth century colonial Bengal 'loyalism' of the middle-class intelligentsia towards the foreign rule contained internal contradictions, which was far more nuanced than has been portrayed in the last one and half centuries. Based on the contemporary reports, memoirs, and writings, the paper argues that while the nature of opposition and resistance were reflected in a rhetoric that was different, they emanated from similar sets of discontents, and would play a pivotal role in shaping the later-day discourse of nationalism in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which editor discusses various articles within the issue on topics including women's intellectual and familial relationships at Nostell Priory from 1550 to 1798; horizons of feminist, queer, and decolonial historiographical work.

The article "The Battle for Latin America" in Diplomatic History discusses Allen Wells's book, Latin America's Democratic Crusade, which argues that the struggle between dictators and democrats, not communists and capitalists, defined Latin American politics in the first half of the twentieth century. Wells challenges existing literature by highlighting the role of moderate reformers in the region's political landscape. The book traces the transnational struggle between democratic activists and dictators, shedding light on key figures and events that shaped Latin American politics from the 1920s to the early 1960s. Wells's work is praised for its comprehensive analysis of the region's political history, making it a significant contribution to the field of Latin American international history. [Extracted from the article]

During the Hu Jintao era, policy intellectuals participated in public debates, openly criticizing existing government policies. During the Xi Jinping era, despite regime efforts to tame intellectuals, some critical voices have retained influence over policymaking processes. What adaptation strategies have they utilized to circumvent the regime's control over public speech? This article points to two strategies. First, policy intellectuals formed shifting collaborations with both state and nonstate actors. Second, they utilized collaborations with state actors to enter consultative forums. The article finds that policy intellectuals not only formed Beijing-based alliances but also cultivated closer cooperation with local officials. By "going local" in this way, they bypassed Beijing's tightening political environment. This article focuses on two important policy intellectuals in the healthcare arena who have gone local. It also includes a comparison between these two policy intellectuals and seven of their prominent peers who did not go local, as well as with intellectuals from another policy arena: education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The memory of Hungary’s political transition of 1989, particularly in the context of public discourse, attracted scholarly attention soon after the events due to perceived failures in parliamentary democracy and a decline in social solidarity. Ongoing political challenges, which shape and define social identity, have sustained persistent scholarly interest in the memory of this transition. This paper explores how the transition was remembered at the turn of the millennium from a middle-ground perspective. We investigate whether the revolution lost its significance for intellectuals from the middle strata of Hungarian society – those who, as part of the cultural, scientific, and bureaucratic sub-elite, did not play a central role in collective decision-making or institutional reform but nonetheless contributed to the transformation from a secondary position. By virtue of their social status, these individuals later influenced the perspectives that shaped the memory of the regime change. Our findings are based on the analysis of 89 life-course interviews conducted between 1997 and 2010. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the face of tremendous violence and multiple crises, we are reminded that ours should not only be a discipline that examines crises, but also one that actively contributes to their resolution. What does IR as a discipline owe—or what must we give—to the pressing concerns of our times? What do we, in IR, owe to each other as a scholarly community or professional class? This essay argues for a reinterrogation of our discipline’s relationship with ‘crisis’ as subject matter, method and motivation. It also makes a case for paying greater attention to our obligations to society and to one another as public intellectuals in need of collective methods to think across political and disciplinary divides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Syed Farid Alatas is a Malaysian sociologist who has been highly influential in discussions about decolonising knowledge. He has also continued the legacy of his esteemed father, Syed Hussein Alatas, by furthering 'the School of Autonomous Knowledge' in the Malay Archipelago and beyond. This article presents a wide-ranging, comprehensive and rich dialogue between Farid and Leon Moosavi. In this conversation, pertinent questions are asked: How does Farid's approach to decolonising knowledge differ from other decolonial scholars? What exactly does Farid mean when he talks of 'intellectual imperialism', 'alternative discourses' and 'academic dependency'? This dialogue also explores Farid's extensive engagement with the Islamic/Muslim sphere, including topics such as: Ibn Khaldun, Muslim revivalism, Muslim sectarianism and the Islamisation of knowledge. The discussion also explores some potential critiques of Farid's intellectual contributions with challenging questions: Can Farid's theoretical ideals be applied in 'the real world' or are they confined to an audience of intellectual elites? Is Farid anti-Western? Or, actually, does his work inadvertently fall into the trap of Westerncentrism? This article offers a unique insight into the intellectual biography of one of the most notable social theorists of the current era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Successive crises – social, environmental and political – have led some in global governance circles to advocate a more 'inclusive capitalism'. In this article, I show how this postcrisis language of inclusive capitalism was used by a specific subset of officials within the Bank of England: Those with high levels of experience in public sector and international official institutions. It is argued that these officials are 'organic intellectuals' who mobilise their experience of inter-institutional collaboration as a deliberative model for solving long-term social problems. The institutional experience of these officials and their concern with crises of trust in expertise facilitated the adoption of these models of communicative intervention. I draw on a novel dataset of Bank officials' career data and speeches, as well as twelve interviews with current and former Bank staff, to show who used this language, in what settings and what motivated its adoption. The article makes a novel contribution to debates about the motivations of key figures in central banks, suggesting that their actions go beyond reputation defence to encompass an expansive worldview of how capitalism might solve its myriad crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides an overview of two books, "At the Center: American Thought and Culture in the Mid-Twentieth Century" and "The Ideas That Made America: A Brief History," which explore the role of ideas in shaping American culture and society during the mid-twentieth century. The authors examine the influence of ideas on practical power and the relationship between ideas and culture. The books offer insights into the movement of ideas across cultures and their impact on intellectual history. The article also discusses the transdisciplinary perspective of "At the Center" and its relevance to the social sciences, including economics. It highlights the search for core principles and consensus in midcentury thought and culture, as well as efforts to broaden Americans' intellectual horizons after World War II. The text delves into the intellectual and cultural shifts in America from 1948 to 1963, focusing on centering and decentering tendencies. It explores various aspects of American culture during this period, such as attempts to define a distinct American culture, the influence of economics on thought, the rise of postmodernism and identity politics, and the impact of globalization. The authors argue that while there were efforts to establish a unified American culture, there were also movements towards decentering and fragmentation. The text suggests that understanding the changes in American economics during this time is crucial for a comprehensive understanding of American thought and culture. [Extracted from the article]

This introduction article establishes the territory for the Symposium What Was Cultural Economy? After setting out the reasoning behind the collection and its eight contributions, the introduction describes the terms on which the 'cultural economy' concept was launched, within the Open University's Faculty of Social Sciences, at the end of the 1990s. Noting the collective work involved, I highlight the role of Stuart Hall, and the brand of cultural studies he represents, as a key vector. Hall's position as totemic public intellectual obscures his work as a teacher, curriculum designer and colleague, channelling the 'cultural turn' through this internal academic context. As such, I also stress the OU's course team model of intellectual production, drawing from recent historiography on workshops as devices for the practice of collective intellectual and cultural work, coupling this to the figure of the 'vanishing mediator' as a driver of material and symbolic transformation. I then move to sketch out some of the key interpersonal relations, institutional contexts and intellectual trajectories through which cultural economy was first formulated. In conclusion, I ask what implications this little history might hold for a present-day journal engaged in the workshopping of ideas at increasingly international scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study delves into how the Chinese intellectual community of the early 20th century interpreted scientific ideas, specifically the “theory of evolution” and “theory of relativity.” The conservative publication, The Eastern Miscellany, underwent a transformation during the May Fourth Movement, embracing concepts like “Mutual aid: A factor of evolution” and the theory of relativity in the 1920s. Editors and writers used these scientific concepts to counter radical intellectuals, reshaping cultural and ideological perspectives in journal texts. This reinterpretation aimed to not only adopt modern values but also challenge the dogmatism of scientific discourses in China’s political and cultural context. Scholars associated the mutual help hypothesis with evolutionary studies, aligning it with cultural diversity and opposing centralized political structures. The relativistic theory, connected to anarchism and coexistence within civilization, offered an alternative discourse to radicalism, rejecting a singular modern value system. Their goal was to establish a discourse community reflecting their rationality and principles while restoring traditional values in Eastern civilization. This paper considers this as evidence of how they struggled to maintain conservative legitimacy during the political system’s modern transition and aims to elucidate it through textual analysis of contemporary magazines. Furthermore, the paper aims to remind us once again of the dangers of scientism, which are often overlooked when compared to the absolute nature of science that is still recognized today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper starts with the introduction of the “neo-colonial division system” as a core problematic, which both historically and geographically inscribes subalternity in South Korea. Then it explains the subalternity in Taiwan, Chen Yingzhen’s literary practice as an intellectual movement, and the significance of referencing Taiwan to South Korea. With this it revisits the setbacks of the South Korean intellectual movements in the 1980s and explores a new starting point for the intellectual movements in South Korea. Within this framework of reference, the thesis on people’s literature proposed by Park Hyun-chae in the 1980s is re-evaluated. Although Park Hyun-chae was deeply restricted by the asymmetry of knowledge within the neo-colonial anti-communist system, as one of the few surviving left-wing intellectuals, he insisted on loving the people and consistently reflected on the ethical issue of intellectuals. However, he was unable to escape the constraints of the intellectual asymmetry in knowledge and the pitfall of the absence of reference points within the Cold War/division system. Thus, rereading Park Hyun-chae illuminates the starting point, method, and direction of restarting the intellectual movements in South Korea, that is, “people, region, and culture.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the philosophical resources Karl Rahner employed in his theology of original sin, emphasizing his original thinking and creative redefinition of theological concepts. Topics include Rahner's intellectual independence from his sources, the influence of Kant, Heidegger, and Aquinas on his thought, and the use of images rather than concepts in understanding Rahner's theology.

The article examines Karl Rahner's philosophical and theological project, highlighting his intellectual independence despite influences from Kant and Heidegger. Topics include Rahner's rejection of a fixed philosophical system, his relationship with phenomenology, and his engagement with Edmund Husserl's thought. Rahner's emphasis on being an independent thinker is underscored, along with the significant yet often overlooked impact of phenomenology on his work.

The article explores Karl Rahner's reflections on original sin, particularly in his work Foundations of Christian Faith. Topics include Rahner's approach to original sin and the need for redemption, his rejection of a temporal sequence between the Fall and Christ's redemption, and his handling of the theodicy problem regarding why a loving God would allow a world burdened by sin.

The article discusses Eleonore Stump's contributions to defending the Catholic doctrine of original sin, focusing on her methodological approach and addressing objections to the doctrine. Topics include Stump's methodology in philosophical theology, particularly her approach to complex doctrinal issues, the objection to the doctrine of original sin regarding neonates' moral condition, and the challenge of reconciling the idea of original sin with the lack of personal culpability in infants.

The article explores the challenges faced by post-Vatican II theology in articulating the doctrine of original sin. Topics include attempts to reconcile Genesis' primal history with evolutionary theory, the intellectual credibility of Christian faith in light of scientific modernity, and the emotional disconnect between the doctrine of original sin and contemporary belief.

The lyric essay is becoming one of the most significant female-coded literary and intellectual modes of the early twenty-first century. While instances of the lyric essay have recently proliferated debate continues to surround its defining characteristics structural antecedents and evolution. This essay proposes that the defining contours of lyric essays emerge particularly clearly through attention to pieces that do not belong to the lyric essay tradition but share many of its qualities. Looking to the lyric essay's adjacent forms helps to elucidate the relationship between the lyric essay's formal dimensions and its characteristic thematic associations with care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The obituary in the Australian Geographer pays tribute to the late Professor Janice Monk, highlighting her significant contributions to feminist and social geography in Australia. Janice Monk, born in Sydney in 1937, was a pioneering figure in the Australian geographic community, emphasizing the importance of the Aboriginal experience in geographical studies. Her work focused on understanding and transforming the ways gender, place, and race shaped lived geographies, leaving a lasting impact on Australian geography and geographers. Janice Monk's legacy continues to inspire geographers to address issues of context and difference in their research and teaching practices. [Extracted from the article]

Towards the end of the 19th century, Ingrian Finns became aware of their own national identity and culture. These ideas were maintained by the Kolppana Teacher and Churchwarden Seminary, which was founded in 1863. At the turn of the twentieth century, national thinking also began to emerge from the deep ranks of Ingrian-Finnish people, partly because Ingrian-born teachers and churchwardens educated in Kolppana formed a new, schooled intelligentsia. Music played a central role in the national process, and the Kolppana graduates taught religious and patriotic repertoire. The new intelligentsia comprised only men because the Kolppana Seminary was not open to women. The Ingrian Finns strove to preserve their own language, Lutheran religion, and national customs. Even though they recognized Finland as their spiritual homeland, the Ingrian-Finnish national spirit was marked by a clear "Ingrianism". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel Zangwill (1864–1926) was the best-known Jewish anglophone writer and public intellectual during his lifetime. There has been a contemporary resurgence of interest in Zangwill's life and work in Britain, France, America and Israel, which will be discussed in the introduction and is illustrated by the articles in the special issue. I focus on the legacies of Zangwill both locally and globally. At the heart of the introduction is the way that Zangwill's legacy varies in different national cultures. It explores how Zangwill reuses the idea of the ghetto from the German tradition of ghetto literature; radicalises Herzl's political Zionism in the form of Jewish territorialism; and refashions President Roosevelt's idea of the melting-pot for popular consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses two recent scholarly books that analyze the political and economic transformations in Bolivia over the past two decades. Angus McNelly's book explores the concept of passive revolution in Bolivia, focusing on the Morales administration and the challenges of development. Kate Maclean's book delves into the gendered aspects of the Bolivian economy, particularly the pluri-economy and the roles of Indigenous women. Both books provide valuable insights into the complex social, political, and economic landscape of Bolivia, offering a nuanced understanding of the country's recent history and future prospects. [Extracted from the article]

Intellectual historians have tended to focus on the most radical intellectuals of the counter-revolution such as Joseph de Maistre and Louis de Bonald, but the counter-revolution was an intellectually composite movement with many intellectual currents and ideas. In this article, I shed light on the composite character of the counter-revolution by focusing on one of its most moderate members, the comte de Montlosier. The article presents contextualised analysis of Montlosier's conception of moderation, his theory of politics, his critique of fellow counter-revolutionaries, and his ideas for a new aristocratic order build on public opinion and separation of powers. I argue that Montlosier's moderate politics reflected a moderate enlightenment approach to politics, which was neither wholly rationalist nor wholly traditionalist. Rather, it was an attempt to find a middle ground between the two integrating a conservative view of history with a sociological approach to power and politics. I furthermore argue that even if Montlosier was unsuccessful in his endeavours to moderate the counter-revolution, he nonetheless provided a moderate response to it that would become integral to nineteenth-century conservative and liberal ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the intellectual suspicion that Islam scholars and intellectuals are only men of religion, of opinion, of spiritual and moral reform and have no interest in political critical studies. We will take a model from the Algerian reformer Abdelhamid Ibn Badis to address this problem by writing about the fall of the Ottoman caliphate in 1924, which was the symbol of Islamic unity. Is there in what Ibn Badis wrote about the fall of the caliphate a thought and an analysis of political critical perceptions? Did he provide in his books authentic and unprecedented perceptions of the caliphate and the unity of the Muslim world? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the subject of drifting (hyōryū) at sea and its relationship with modernity in mid-twentieth century Japanese intellectual discourse. During this period, castaway stories and the figure of the castaway or drifter (hyōryūsha) drew the attention of key Japanese intellectuals as an important subject in the formation of the modern world and society. This article focuses on the discourses of three radical and progressive Japanese intellectuals influential in the mid-twentieth century, namely Fukumoto Kazuo (1894–1983), Tsurumi Shunsuke (1922–2015), and Hanada Kiyoteru (1909–1974), whose works engage extensively with the subject of those adrift at sea. While paying attention to the different methodological perspectives of the three intellectuals, this article argues that their discussions of the drift addressed a shared interest in a re-examination of modernity. By addressing the ways in which the sinuous passage of the drift inspired a critical examination of modernity, this article helps expand the discussion of modernity in Japanese intellectual history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a transnational and microhistorical approach, this article seeks to interpret the Brazilian Emperor Dom Pedro II’s 1876 visit to Boston, Massachusetts, with a focus on the June 10 dinner between Dom Pedro II, Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, and other famous literary guests. Personal and cultural factors created a bridge between the Brazilian monarch and the New England intellectual elite that resulted in a series of transnational intellectual encounters during the Emperor’s 1876 trip. The friendship between Dom Pedro II and Longfellow serves as a microcosm of the increasing cultural impact of American literature on the elite stratum of Brazilian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dialogue (diálogos) is a fundamental concept in the existential foundations of philosophy, and metaphysics, from Aristotle to the present day, has been the fundamental form and very essence of philosophy. The first forms of dialogue can be traced back to ancient Greek tragedy, which portrays fateful events. In these tragedies, the chorus and actors engage in a dialogue that goes beyond everyday conversation. It serves to represent and understand these fateful events, involving both the posing of a thesis (statement) and its antithesis (opposition) in ancient Greek terms. This logical and linguistic structure finds its foundation in the concept of logos, which for Heraclitus extends beyond mere speech or words. The foundations of philosophical dialogue lie partly in ancient tragedy and partly in Heraclitus' concept of the struggle of opposites. Dialogue is a form of communication aimed at overcoming misunderstandings. It is distinct in its origin, foundation, and multifaceted development from both discussion and dispute. Particularly in the context of contemporary communication, it is valuable to revisit some of the elements and characteristics that differentiate these terms. From a historical perspective, philosophical dialogues are not always unambiguous or unified in form. Therefore, it is important to re-emphasize the core thread and crucial significance of philosophical dialogue, which has persisted for millennia and embodies the "eternal return" to humanity's metaphysical quest for truth and meaning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mass persuasion is crucial to politics, and sophisticated leaders utilize political persuasion to influence citizens' attitudes and emotions, alter their behaviors, and solicit regime support. In recent decades, a variety of actors have engaged in mass persuasion on China's internet. Using online ethnography and archival research, this study examines a newly emerged but less studied group—pro-regime intellectuals and their online mass persuasion strategies. First, we find that pro-regime intellectuals act as outspoken critics of the West to promote China-centric theories by utilizing their academic knowledge and reasoning. Meanwhile, given their close government connections, they stand as intermediaries between the state and society to channel public discontent and articulate public policy. Furthermore, they proactively adapt to cyberculture by interacting and cultivating close bonds with netizens, as well as by collaborating with platforms to attract public attention. By deciphering this set of mass persuasion strategies, this article contributes to our understanding of how pro-regime intellectuals' digital mass persuasion helps maintain the state's discursive hegemony, which facilitates regime resilience in the era of social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illuminates how and why students, graduates, and educators of the Tōyō Eiwa Jogakkō girls' mission school network developed a transnational community in 1920s and 1930s Japan. It reveals the methods through which Japanese and Western women and girls created links to the wider world across nations and empires to build connections and knowledge in a turbulent and nationalistic time. Using a transnational approach to examine the activities of actors generally not viewed as engaging in internationalism reveals networking and ideas that did not necessarily align with period social and intellectual trends and state ideology, and in fact sought to address and temper these and build the world they envisioned. Thus, this networking widens our understanding of women's internationalism by looking beyond diplomacy and prominent intellectuals to illuminate adult women and girls' engagement with, and mobility into, the wider world across borders in 1920s and 1930s Japan and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Amitav Ghosh's The Living Mountain: A Fable of Our Times (2022) is an allegorical rendering of the repercussions of environmental degradation and the annihilation of indigenous ecological knowledge. As one of the notable public intellectuals of contemporary times, Ghosh in The Living Mountain deliberates on the ramifications of the discourses of colonialism and the Anthropocene, and depicts how those have been complicit in asserting a hegemonic Western episteme that has corroborated capitalist extraction and ecological commodification. This article examines Ghosh's The Living Mountain as highlighting the layered operation of colonial capitalism in disrupting ecological systems and marginalizing indigenous epistemologies. The article brings to the foreground that such capitalist subjugation becomes instrumental in unleashing "testimonial injustice" on indigenous knowledge systems, culminating in horrendous forms of epistemicide and ecocide. To counter such a pervasive objectification, Ghosh calls through this narrative for a "decolonial turn" that is attendant on "epistemic disobedience" and repudiates the dominant meaning-formations. This article finally argues that Ghosh elucidates the necessity of a collective epistemic responsibility that would discard the hegemonic capitalist perceptions of nature and ecology and celebrate their primacy and organic existence. It is only through the recuperation of indigenous knowledge and an epistemic re-centering that escalating environmental disasters can be checked and new forms of sustainable planetarity and planetary solidarities can be accomplished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan has a long history of social movements, some of which have challenged the military’s domination. However, apart from a short period after 1998 nuclear weapon tests by India and Pakistan, there has been limited opposition to nuclear weapons owned by the military. This paper examines one potential factor for this near absence: the intellectual arguments deployed by the main proponents of nuclear disarmament in Pakistan over the last 25 years. The post-1998 anti-nuclear critique in Pakistan has overwhelmingly focused on challenges pertaining safety and security, command and control, geopolitical imperatives of arms races, the operational limits of delivery systems like the short-range ballistic missiles and the risk of a nuclear war. We argue that such arguments inadvertently normalize nuclear weapons. Other arguments based on geopolitics make nuclear weapons appear inevitable in an anarchic world. Highlighting the consequences of a nuclear war has limited purchase in Pakistan where nuclear weapons are seen as the ultimate defense against all large-scale wars, nuclear and conventional. The alternative, we suggest, is to engage a broader critique focussed on the many ways in which nuclear weapons are implicated in everyday social and political life.

This work examines the intimate diary of the Paraguayan historian and diplomat Juan E. O'Leary (1879 – 1969). It focuses on the notebooks he wrote in Rome in 1937 during his stay as plenipotentiary minister and charge d'affaires to the Kingdom of Italy. It intends to contribute to the knowledge about his intellectual and diplomatic trajectory and his influence on the writing of history in Paraguay. He makes observations on the relations between intellectuals and diplomacy in Latin America.

The paper offers a case study of György Konrád, a leading intellectual from post-Communist eastern Europe, who was arguably the most internationally visible and influential former dissident—or post-dissident—from Hungary after 1989. The paper introduces the biography and intellectual activities of Konrád, which stretched from the periphery of interwar Hungary to post–Cold War international fame, and it focuses on his post-1989 public interventions and the reception of his key ideas. The main question it poses is: "How did Konrád wield his post-dissident moral and political authority, and with what effects?" To answer this overarching question, I explore Konrád's key contributions as a public intellectual in post-Communist Hungary and analyze his high-profile involvement in international discussions via prominent interviews, debate participations, and appearances in various documentaries. I also provide an overview of the scholarly reception of his most influential ideas. The paper concludes that by recurrently dissenting from more mainstream intellectual opinions, at times even those shared in his own liberal milieu, Konrád simultaneously employed and deflected his political and moral authority. More concretely, I show how Konrád oscillated between universalistic and civilizational discourses and between a generous spirit of openness and profound personal fears when his post-dissident authority made his voice so widely audible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]