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• No evidence is supportable for domesticated dogs at three important Pavlovian sites. • The high frequency of wolf remains at Pavlovian sites argues against the presence of dogs. • There is also no evidence of domesticated dog even in succeeding Late Gravettian sites. In the current volume of the Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, Germonpré et al. comment on our article "Friend or foe? Large canid remains from Pavlovian sites and their archaeozoological context" (Wilczyński et al. 2020). The authors say there are inaccuracies or errors in our paper, in an attempt to refute our rejection of the hypothesis of wolf domestication at the Předmostí site and, in broader sense, by the Pavlovian community. Here we counter allegations and in so doing clarify our arguments against wolf domestication during mid-Upper Paleolithic in Central Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Understanding of European prehistoric storage practices tends to focus on the long-term and large-scale storage of cereals from the Neolithic onwards. In addition, storage is often associated with the development of sedentism and social complexity. Through the use of anthropological and ethnographic data this paper demonstrates that storage by both hunter–gatherers and farmers is more complex. New storage categories, such as closed and open caches, and portable storage, are suggested as ways of understanding whether similar storage practices were used during European prehistory. We learn that although direct evidence for storage is difficult to find in the archaeological record, a combination of ethnographic data and indirect evidence demonstrates that storage, especially this use of small-scale storage, was practiced in prehistory. In the conclusion, this paper demonstrates that storage during the Mesolithic (11,300–6000 BP) would have played a vital role in the lifeways of hunter–gatherers and that for the Neolithic (6000–4500 BP) the use of small-scale storage of a variety of foods would have been equally important as the storage of grain. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The authors present an early evidence for the use of complex fishing techniques for obtaining variable fish resources in prehistoric south-east Europe as recovered at the Neolithic site of Vinča – Belo Brdo in Serbia. In particular, a group of bone artefacts have been analysed through the application of an integrated approach combining technological, use-wear, and residue analyses as well as the comparisons with ethnographic artefacts. The results of the functional analysis indicate that these artefacts were parts of lure hooks, i.e. composite hooks, probably used to catch large predatory fish. On methodological grounds, the discussion proposed in this paper could be relevant for other case studies worldwide where one finds prehistoric communities with evidence of fishing activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Diatoms recovered from archaeological features on a Viking Age farmstead excavation in the Mosfell Valley in southwestern Iceland are utilized as microscopic indicators of turf-based structures. Eroded turf can be difficult to distinguish macroscopically from naturally occurring sediments because turf foundations erode and melt into the landscape over time, leaving minimal evidence of site use. Turf was a principle building component in Iceland until the early 20th century. Turf strips and blocks were harvested from lowlands where organically rich peat and abundant water contributed to the development of bog plants with thick root mats that produced premium turf. Diatoms embedded in turf reflect the ecological conditions of the peat-bog at the time of deposition. Turf was cut from the bog and transported to higher elevations where drainage was more conducive to house construction. Siliceous diatom frustules are resistant to decay and preserve well archaeologically. The presence of diatoms in archaeological sediments is considered a marker of sediment provenience and an indication of human site use and anthropogenic modification of natural substrates. This paper demonstrates how diatom analysis can determine the presence and delimitation of archaeological features otherwise difficult to distinguish with the naked eye. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Barnacles of the species Pollicipes pollicipes are crustaceans that nowadays live on wave-beaten rocky substrates in the intertidal and low-shore zones on the coasts of Atlantic Europe and North Africa. At the present time, the exploitation of this species is profitable, especially in northern Spain where this sea-food is highly valued, as well as expensive. However, the gathering of this resource, which is carried out manually by the percebeiros or “goose barnacle fishers” entails great risks. The exploitation of goose barnacles is, however, not a recent activity, as evidence of it has been seen in southwest Europe in the Mesolithic (about 8000 BP), and above all from the early Neolithic (about 6000 BP). This paper analyses the archaeological evidence of barnacles (tergum, scutum and carina, calcareous plates located in the capitulum) that have been found at one Spanish Neolithic site located in the north of the Iberian Peninsula (Los Gitanos Cave, in Cantabrian Spain). [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Beginning with excavations during the 1970s, Vindija Cave (Croatia) has yielded significant Middle and Upper Paleolithic fossil and archaeological finds. We report on seven recently identified hominid fossils, a newly associated partial hominid cranial vault from level G3, nine possible bone retouchers, and a revised interpretation of the Mousterian artifact assemblage from the site. This new information reinforces our knowledge of the complex biocultural phenomena revealed in unit G and earlier deposits at Vindija. Six of the new hominid fossils derive from stratigraphic units G and I, while one lacks exact provenience. All specimens preserving diagnostic anatomy are from Neandertals. One of the postcranial remains, a radius fragment which exhibits Neandertal-like anatomy, comes from level G1and is congruent with the previously established association of Neandertals with an early Upper Paleolithic industry at the site. The partial cranial vault represents the most complete Neandertal from Vindija. The possible retouchers derive from unit G. Our analysis of these artifacts suggests that both percussion and pressure techniques may have been used by Neandertals in the final stage of tool production (retouching).This paper also presents a revision of the artifact analysis for late Mousterian level G3. We separated raw materials into two main groups due to the differing ways that the materials fracture and the differing morphology of the debitage. The use of raw material in level G3is different from earlier Middle Paleolithic levels at Vindija. This indicates that the G3late Neandertals were making choices regarding source material somewhat more like the Upper Paleolithic people at the site. When interpreted within a larger regional framework, the Vindija archaeological and hominid fossil remains demonstrate a complex, mosaic pattern of biocultural change in the Late Pleistocene of south-central Europe. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

In various research fields, from archaeology to landscape history and ecology, it is important to know the date of the origin of historical settlements (i.e. towns, villages, hamlets, isolated farms) as precisely as possible. In Central Europe, there are two primary ways to obtain the date when a settlement was founded: "historical dating" (based on historical written sources) and "archaeological dating" (based on archaeological findings). Historical dating usually does not reflect the real time of origin, since the first reference to a settlement in written sources can be recorded many years after the real origin of the settlement. However, the time lag is unknown. Until now, no study has attempted to show exactly how the time lag differs in different centuries, or whether the time lag has been affected by any geographical factors. This paper compares the dates of origin from archaeological data and from written sources of medieval and early modern settlements (n = 527, AD 850–1600) in the present-day Czech Republic. We also tested the influence of local environmental conditions on the time lag. Our comparison shows that the time lag has been decreasing with the passing of calendar years (from a time lag of 250 years for AD 1000 to approx. 80 years for AD 1400). Towns and places close to major towns also have a shorter time lag in their historical dating (the difference is almost 100 years). These results make an interpretation of the historical dating of medieval towns and villages more complicated. The length of the time lag and its dispersion means that, for the purposes of settlement dating, historical dating needs to be combined with other dating methods (especially in the medieval period). Our results also identify a possible bias in the chronology of landscape transformation. • Written sources are not reliable for dating medieval settlements in Central Europe. • We have assessed the concordance between written sources and archaeological data. • The usual time lag in written sources decreases with increasing calendar year. • Around AD 1200, the typical time lag of written sources is 150 years. • Around AD 1600, written sources agree with archaeological data in 70% of the cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]