Search

The study examined the role of political education and Information Communication Technology (ICT) for sustainable democracy in Nigeria. The paper conceptualized political education and IC T for sustainable democracy. The paper adopted observation and secondary methods of data gathering. The paper argued that electoral violence and fraud that marred conducted elections in Nigeria was due to decades of military rule that militarized the psyche of most Nigerians, and lack of continuous political education to redirect the militarized mentality they do display in electoral process, to democratized mentality to sustain democracy in Nigeria. This is because the anti-democratic mentality of most Nigerians has created loopholes for politicians to manipulate the electoral process which portents a threat to democracy in Nigeria. The paper revealed that continuous political education through the use of ICT tools like social network sites will create political awareness that will enlighten Nigerians to deter them from electoral violence and fraud, and other related anti-democratic behaviour to bring about sustainable democracy in Nigeria. Therefore, the paper recommends among others, that the Nigerian government should liaise with advanced countries that have successfully built ICT in their democratic governance, to see areas where they can collaborate to ensure stable use of ICT facilities in Nigeria. Keywords: Restructuring, Sustainable Democracy, Political Education, Information Communication Technology (ICT)

This paper argues that electoral processes in Africa with special focus on Zimbabwe are never fair due to rampant electoral illiteracy. In this paper, illiteracy is far beyond the inability to read and write but encompasses a high degree of ignorance from not reading. The theory informing arguments in the paper is democratic citizenship. This is a qualitative research where data has been gathered through interviews and observation. Zimbabwe’s election processes of 2008, 2013 and 2018 had been used as case studies to substantiate the findings of this study. The major findings are that besides electoral illiteracy, factors such as intimidation, fear, manipulation (vote buying), partisan and hero worshipping also compromise the credibility of elections in Zimbabwe. The other finding is that as long as citizens are not familiar with electoral process of their country, the levels of participation of such people will remain low. In the light of these findings, this research recommends effective active citizenship if electoral crisis in Zimbabwe is to be addressed. Keywords: Democracy, Democratic Citizenship, Electoral Illiteracy

Prior to colonial rule, governance in Africa rested on chiefs. However, colonialism and other currents of social change reduced the powers and functions of chiefs. Critics tagged the chieftaincy institution as anachronistic and even predicted its demise during the struggle for independence. However, chieftaincy has persisted after several years of Ghana’s independence. The paper specifically seeks to answer two fundamental questions: Is chieftaincy anachronistic? And, how relevant is chieftaincy in Ghana’s democratic dispensation. The paper is a desk review examining the instrumentality of the chieftaincy institution in the midst of a web of reputational challenges in contemporary Ghana. The study unearthed that the anachronistic label is pivoted on the undemocratic nature of chieftaincy institution and, chieftaincy and land disputes. Despite the above label, it was also found that chiefs are instrumental in conflict resolution, governance and administration, promotion of education and economic empowerment and performance of representational and diplomatic roles. Though people continue to perceive the chieftaincy institution as undemocratic, the institution has critical roles to play in contemporary Ghana. This paper recommends that studies should be conducted on how chiefs can be integrated into modern governance structures for them to contribute to national development. Keywords: Chieftaincy, Anachronistic, Democratic, Social change, Traditionalism, Conservatism

The world is plagued with plethora of social issues generated from the complexity of modern existence. The control of sources of raw materials, exploitation, production, and trade has polarised our world. This paper looked at the Niger Delta situation from an audio-visual angle as reflected in the film ‘Krakraye’ by Gentle Jack. The Niger Delta region and her people have been neglected in terms of developmental needs in the Nigerian state, hence, the youths resort to self-identification and resource control which is the problem being stated. The aim of this paper is to present this issue bare in an audio-visual manner. The objectives are to concisely chronicle the real situation from the emergence of the military in the Nigerian scene to the present. Theoretical framework was the analytical approach to cultural studies, while the research methodology would entail the qualitative approach enmeshed with visual impressions, still photographs from the film ‘Krakraye’, and from other graphic and audio-visual sources. Findings of this study show that it is deliberate to underdevelop the Niger Delta region, keep the people poor so they will be loyal and could easily be overcome by the majority tribes, Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo who have never spoken against injustice meted to the Niger Delta communities. Contributions to knowledge is that visual presentation has shown the true plight of the Niger Delta people in visual images. Recommendations are that a naturally endowed, rich industrial environment should not be neglected for peace and development to thrive; stealing of the people’s commonwealth brings about capital flight as those in government are afraid to show their wealth in Nigeria rather, they launder and invest these monies abroad. This paper critically assessed the reach of film in exposing social anomaly as the case of the Niger Delta people, allegorically. Key Words: Film, Niger Delta, youth, democracy, development

This paper investigates the constraints of contemporary Theatre for Development (TfD) in Nigeria tertiary institutions. It kick-starts with a discussion on how TfD in Nigeria adapted the South America and other African countries experiences of using drama to mobilize and conscientize people for development and self reliance. However, TfD from the academia is faced with myriads of challenges. This varies from preliminary concerns, to workshops and post-TfD engagements for possible consolidation. It takes a critical look at some of the constraints; identifying their causes and their impacts on the effective practice of TfD as action research. This study has explored, through qualitative processes, the procedures of TfD in Nigeria tertiary institutions and its coordinated effort to catalyze change in target communities. The study interrogated whether the methodologies have caused reasonable individual and community change in behavior to substantially cause development. While it acknowledges that, theatre has always responded to the environment in several ways, the paper proceeds from the evidence of a near absence of follow-up mechanism of TfD practices from the academia. It admits that although there have been efforts by a few scholars to locate the hiatus, there is still a wide critical chasm in planning, monitoring and evaluation of projects. Thepaper then posits that TfD projects from the academia tends to negate the principles of democracy and that the methodology being used inhibit the creative impulse of the practitioners. It proffers the means through which these constraints could be tackled for TfD in Nigeria tertiary institutions to thrive. Anchored on the ‘trans-theoretical model of change theory’ by Prochaska & DiClemente (1983), this paper concludes that TfD practitioners should commit more time to projects and let the methodology be more change-oriented to meet the yearning and aspirations of the targeted communities. Keywords: Development agencies, CBOs, Theatre workers, TfD, Nigerian tertiary institutions

Some of the obstacles to the nascent democracy In Nigeria include the neglect of education for Its citizens, the spate of armed robbery attacks, political assassinations, religious conflicts and lack of proper education funding coupled with the seeming helplessness of security agencies to handle criminal acts. The focus of this paper is to comparatively analyse the funding of Education in Nigeria tertiary institutions. In the 19 years since Nigeria returned to civil rule under the Fourth Republic, University teachers in the country have embarked on strikes 14 times that saw them stay away from work for about 40 months. The latest strike by the teachers under the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) began in November 2018 lasted till February 2019, in spite of several rounds of meetings between leaders of the Union and the Federal Government all because of funding of education. ASUU has been locked in a protracted dispute with the Nigerian government over issues connected to poor funding of public universities. In the course of this study, the Comparative Analysis of Funding of Education in Nigeria were brought to the fore while the objectives of the study were well spelt out. Hypotheses were postulated and the Group Theory was used to explicate the works. Data were obtained from both primary and secondary sources. From the primary sources, the survey method was adopted. Data obtained from this method were analysed with the aid of Simple Percentage. Thereafter, the five researchable hypotheses were tested and accepted while the null hypotheses were rejected. The implication is that there was relationship between the dependent and independent variables. Generally, the paper brought to focus that effective funding of education in Nigeria is a task that must be done with collective efforts of all stakeholders for the growth and development of universities in Nigeria. In a nutshell, this paper suggested policy prescription and recommendations which are aimed at repositioning universities in Nigeria. Finally, this paper however, painstakingly appraised several of these issues and concluded that all stakeholders in the federal polity should thread softly, be objective, rational, altruistic and magnanimous in order not to make the existence of true federalism (social, education, political and economic cohesive existence of the people, peace and tranquillity) a fleeting illusion and a mirage.Key Words: Education, Funding, Strikes, Federal, State, Government

Election is an important component of democracy because it avails the citizenry the opportunity to choose the best among candidates that presented themselves for election. For the electioneering process to be free and fair, liberal democracy gives room for the circulation of elites from all fields of endeavor to politics. This is what informed the dominance of serving and retired military officers in Nigerian government and politics. These are men trained to manage violence and restore peace. They achieve this peace because military organizations and military regimes possess certain characteristics that differentiate them from the civil society. Such notable characteristics are professionalism, hierarchy of command, discipline, solidarity and cohesion (esprit de corps). These are the attributes that retired military men are expected to exhibit in their new status and responsibilities in the civil society by fair distribution of the wealth of the nation in order to meet the yeaning and aspirations of Nigerians. It is against this backdrop, that this paper analyzed the Dasuki gate and its effect on peace building and democratic consolidation in Nigeria. The paper concluded that Dasuki’s military professional training and discipline has been jettisoned for corrupt primitive accumulation which consequently breach the peace of the nation by escalating Boko Haram insurgency. The paper recommended that the money recovered from Dasukigate be used prudently in providing succor for the less privileged Nigerians.Keywords: Corruption, Electoral Fraud, Insurgency, Poverty

This article examined the effect of Nigeria's political culture on its nascent democracy. Drawing on findings from a range of historical and empirical studies, the paper investigated how compatible Nigeria’s political culture is with democracy’s core values- liberty, justice and equality. Findings from a variety of references showed ways in which Nigeria’s political culture not only shapes state inefficiency and poor economic outcomes, but also provided evidence of how culture disrupts efforts at national unity and diversity. The study also showed how Nigeria’s political culture creates a winner-take-all approach to elections to the extent that widescale post-election violence is normalized. Culture also shapes hard attitudes towards the press and suppression of fundamental human rights. In sum, Nigeria’s political process is not likely to consolidate or deliver democratic dividends. The paper recommended that for democracy to act as catalyst for development across Africa, political awareness and social mobilization through new media are crucial.Key Words: African politics, Nigeria, democracy, political culture, development

This paper presents an appraisal of the Goodluck Jonathan’s policy on Subsidy Re-investment and Empowerment Programme (SURE-P). Distributive politics is one of the most important and controversial aspects of the policy chain. In the Nigerian nation, more than anything else, the greatest obstacle to the nascent democracy is the pervasive insecurity of lives and property as evidenced by the spate of armed robbery attacks, political assassinations, and poor power distribution coupled with the seeming helplessness of security agencies to handle criminal acts. The situation is worsened by the increasing number of unemployed Nigerians some of whom are ready recruits for criminal activities. The above statement from an editorial comment by a national daily in Nigeria indeed epitomizes the central focus of this paper, the aim of which is to analyze the nexus between democratic nurturing, sustenance and eventually consolidation via-a-vis the battles with one of the major ills of the Nigerian nation. Fifty-two years after independence, Nigeria still battles with one of the major fall-outs of democratic dispensation: the politics of trying to appease all sectors of the polity. This paper highlights and assesses the nature, quality and value of particular issues and matters that have dominated the Nigerian federal polity and which have created untold unpleasant experiences and pains at one point or the other since independence. The SURE-P programme is aimed at alleviating the suffering of the teaming youths in Nigeria, especially those that was affected by the oil-spillage and jobless youths. However, the research employed as a focal point, a unique data to explain the implementation of the SURE-P programme. The paper painstakingly appraises many of these issues and concludes that all stakeholders in the federal polity should thread softly, be objective, rational, altruistic and magnanimous in order not to make the existence of true federalism (social, political and economic cohesive existence of the people, peace and tranquility) a fleeting illusion and a mirage. It also focuses on critical analysis of the SURE-P programme of the immediate past President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.Keywords: Political, Democracy, Corruption, Society, Nigeria, State

After nearly fifty-nine years of Independence, Nigeria is by all standards of measurement, a poor country. Poverty is endemic in Nigeria. As a result of this, money politics and vote buying have taken the centre stage in political activities. This is because parties and candidates have shown by their conduct during political campaigns, that good party manifestoes and integrity of candidates jostling for public offices are no longer sufficient to guarantee electoral success; thus, the resort to vote buying. On the other hand, the electorates too have obviously demonstrated cynical electoral behaviour by the readiness to sell their votes to the highest bidder. This uncharitable practice constitutes a blemish on public policy and on the electoral process. Politicians influence the electorate with money, food and other items by politicians. The paper argued that democracy does not thrive in a poverty infested environment and thus attributes the major challenges facing the present democratic experiment in Nigeria to the existence of poverty on a large scale. The paper observed that electioneering in Nigeria has been marred by contradictions that threaten objectivity in voting for a preferred candidate during elections. It concluded that to sustain Nigeria's nascent democracy, the political class must embrace good governance through prudent use of available resources, provision of critical infrastructures and social amenities, conduct of free and fair elections, and the promotion of accountability, transparency and the rule of law.

In Nigeria sovereign nation, the greatest obstacle to democracy is the neglect of education for her citizens as evidenced by the spate of armed robbery attacks, political assassinations, religious conflicts and lack of education funding coupled with the seeming helplessness of security agencies to handle criminal acts. The focus of this paper is to comparatively analyse the payment of Earned Academic Allowance in Nigeria tertiary institutions, University of Benin as a focal point. Universities all over the world and particularly in Nigeria often provide the philosophical drive, and in some cases, the front-line troops for social change, including revolutions and, occasionally centre of excellence. Therefore, the development of political and administrative institutions in Western Europe has shown that other countries that have modernized or developed politically and those new and old nation states that strive towards modernization or development have developed political system. In the course of this study, the comparative analysis of payment of Earned Academic Allowance/Funding of Education in Nigeria were brought to the fore while the objectives of the study were well spelt out. Hypotheses were postulated and the Group Theory was used to explicate the works. Data were obtained from both primary and secondary sources. From the primary sources, the survey method, that is, the use of questionnaire was designed and adopted. Data obtained from this method were analysed with the aid of Simple Percentage. Thereafter, the five researchable hypotheses were tested and accepted while the null hypotheses were rejected. The implication is that there was relationship between the dependent and independent variables. Generally, the paper brought to focus that effective payment of Earned Academic Allowance/funding of education in Nigeria is a task that must be done with collective efforts of all stakeholders for the growth and development of universities in Nigeria. In a nutshell, this paper suggested policy prescription and recommendation which are aimed at repositioning universities in Nigeria. Finally, this paper appraised several of these issues and concluded that all stakeholders in the federal polity should thread softly, be objective, rational, altruistic and magnanimous in order not to make the existence of true federalism (social, education, political and economic cohesive existence of the people, peace and tranquillity) a fleeting illusion and a mirage. Key Words : Stakeholders, Allowance, Strikes, Payment, Federal, Government

This paper is on the aspects of intergroup relations in 21st century Nigeria: Emblem of Ethnicity, Religious Fundamentalism and National Security Crisis, 2000-2014. The objective of the paper is to contribute to some existing literature on the state of intergroup relations in Nigeria. Besides, it would provoke further researchers on the subject because the Nigeria state is presently experiencing disintegrating challenges. It is already known by scholars that some contending issues and challenges have not encouraged intergroup relations in 21st century Nigeria but without their examining that of ethnicity, religious fundamentalism and national security threats as addressed in this paper using the available primary and secondary sources discussed in subthemes narration common to histories. With the triumphant entry of democratic rule and its gradual consolidation in this century Nigerians approached this development within a renewal of hope that inter-group contacts of the divergent ethnic nationalities started in the pre-colonial period would be consolidated before now. But the nation-state is yet trapped in woes of ethnicity, religious extremism and national security crisis thereby, aiding the reasons why meaningful inter-ethnic/group relations are eluding Nigeria.Key words: Intergroup Relations, 21st Century, Ethnicity, Religious Fundamentalism, National Security, Crisis

This paper presents strategies for effective governance in Nigeria with emphasis on the University of Benin.The question of good and effective governance has captured the attention of University Managers. Governing Councils of Universities have also made this issue a critical prerequisite in their quest for excellence. Accordingly, the issue of effective governance has gained universal currency as nations and international institutions seek appropriate mechanisms to enhance the role of government by making it more transparent, accountable, responsive and responsible to the constituencies in the 21st century. In the Nigeria nation, the greatest obstacle to the nascent democracy include the pervasive insecurity of lives and property, as evidenced by the spate of armed robbery attacks, political assassinations, power distribution coupled with the seeming helplessness of security agencies to handle criminal acts. The situation is worsened by the increasing number of unemployed Nigerians some of whom are ready recruits for criminal activities. The above statement from an editorial comment by a national daily in Nigeria epitomizes the central focus of this paper, the aim of which is to strategize on the effective governance in Nigeria nation. The paper painstakingly appraised many of these issues and concluded that all stakeholders in the federal polity should thread softly, be objective, rational, altruistic and magnanimous in order not to make the existence of true federalism (social, political and economic cohesive existence of the people, peace and tranquility) a fleeting illusion and a mirage. It also focused on critical issues of delegation of authority, why some leaders fail to delegate, the kind of crisis it has generated and the kind of measures that can ameliorate the ugly trend.Key words: Governance, Politics, Council, Society, Nigeria, State.

Leadership succession is the problem facing Nigeria since 1960. The mode of transfer power from one government to another is always accompanied by tension. This tension is anchored on the fact that leaders are imposed. The problem has been attributed to the persistent interruption by the military, since 1960. With inception of democracy in 1999, there was positive hope about leadership succession in the country, but the reverse was the result as all elections conducted were seriously accompanied by tensions. It is against this background, that this paper examines the challenges of succession in Nigeria’s fourth republic. The paper also revealed that despite the potential of democracy in ensuring smooth power transfer, the failure of political leaders to observe the rules guiding the process portrays democracy as an incompetent system. It is also reveals that the majority of politicians did not believe in the ethos of democracy. Therefore, the paper has concluded that orderly transfer of power depends on the wishes of political leaders, and for succession to be orderly; the paper recommends that all the parties involved in the process of conducting political processes should be committed to the rules of the game.Key words: Democracy, Election, Succession, Tension

There is a new political phenomenon that is becoming a thing of concern to all and sundry; this emergent phenomenon is the concept of “godfatherism.” It is an ideology which deprives the people of their fundamental human rights of not benefiting from the dividends of democracy. This practice is rapidly converting politics from a civil engagement to an enterprise where only the moneybags are beneficiaries; these godfathers rely on their wealth whereby they sponsor candidates of their choice because of their influence. This paper intends to discuss the predatory variant of godfatherism which is the one that offends and negates moral sensibility and collective aspiration of the people. In Nigeria, the concept of godfatherism and politics will be defined and a theoretical framework of analysis will be provided. The paper looks at the case of the activities of godfathers in some selected states. The paper will also spell out the implications of predatory behaviour of godfathers in Nigeria.

Inter-religious relations imply possible and practicable cordial relationship that exists between religions in a society. Its instrument is interfaith dialogue aimed at cordiality, togetherness, tolerance and acceptance that will be the true sign of a new era in the religious history of humanity. On both international and national levels, attempts have been and are still being made to establish dialogue or good relations between Muslims and Christians with a view to avoiding the mistakes of the past, and creating a better world, and a better Nigeria for the present and future generations. The paper explores the remote and possible causes of the present widespread problems in Christians and Muslims relations in Nigeria; and to reflect on the possible impact on the Nigerian nationhood. Basic findings of this study show that Nigeria.s stability, democracy, and national cohesion are threatened by extremism and conflict arising from Islamic and Christian fundamentalism is believed to be predicated on the Nigerian political and economic malaise and social dislocation of recent decades. The paper recommends and concludes that all religious adherents must embrace Inter-religious dialogue which demands religions nurture, faith, trust, dialogue, communication, reconciliation, and mutual understanding of one another thus guaranteeing communal good for Nigerians.Key Words: Inter-religious; Nigeria Christian; Muslim

Africa’s colonial legacy is often blamed for her failure to modernize. This paper argued that post-colonial legal and political structures constitute greater obstacles to development in contemporary Africa. Using archival data and interview methods to investigate the connection between media suppression and political volatility in West Africa; the findings indicated that successive and contemporary governments in Ghana, Nigeria and the Gambia are hostile to media criticism; routinely target radical press organisations, deny access to state-held information and use legislation and security agents to hinder journalists from freely gathering and fully disseminating information required for public participation in politics. Media oppression hinders the political process from openness, reform and transparency required for modernisation. The paper argued for a sub-regional framework for implementing and enforcing freedom of information within Anglophone West Africa. Keywords: West Africa, democracy, development, press freedom, political process

The paper examines the satirical treatment of dictatorial and authoritarian leadership in Nigeria as portrayed in Niyi Osundare’s The State Visit. It documents Osundare’s protest towards the high spate of political chicanery amongst Nigerian leaders and its attendant effect of squalor and poverty amongst the citizens. The research adopts the content analysis methodology as well as the qualitative approach as it uses Osundare’s The State Visit as paradigm for the handful of political satires within the Nigerian dramatic landscape. Amongst others, the paper observes that tyrannical leadership constitutes a huge factor that militates against the growth and development of most African countries especially Nigeria. The study also brandishes satire as a unique art form that sets out to occasion positive change through the mechanism of corrective laughter and ridicule. It is for the foregoing that the paper advocates the dire need for the enthronement of purposeful and effective democratic leadership in Nigeria. Ideological commitment amongst Nigerian playwrights is strongly canvassed also in the study-a commitment towards crafting plays that harp on national bonding, solidarity, security and development.

Globally, it is generally acknowledged that every individual and a every citizen possess certain definite political, civil, economic and social rights, which are fundamental to his/her dignity and personhood. Theoretically, these presumptuous ideals hold sway in the constitutions of countries of the world, Nigeria inclusive. However, in reality and with respect to Nigeria especially, during the military era, can hardly be reconciled with constitutionalism as there are always cases of infringement upon citizens’ fundamental rights. With successful transition to democracy in 1999 and the consequent stabilisation with the conduct of four successive elections as of 2011. This paper considered the state of human rights under President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration (2011-2015). It appraised how human rights issues have been handled under Jonathan’s administration in line with democratic considerations in the Nigerian polity. Nigeria continues to confront serious human rights challenges politically and socio-economically, including a culture of impunity where perpetrators are often not held accountable for their actions in forms of corrupt practices, extra-judicial killings by the police and Boko Haram insurgency. Moreover, no serious improvement in the socio-economic status of the Nigerian citizens as the increasing GDP growth is only on paper and not real in the economy. In protecting the rights and liberties of all Nigerians, the paper concludes that the Nigerian Government must be resolute in its commitment to ensuring security without compromising human rights. Strong and transparent institutions that deliver essential services must be built and sustained. The key now is to look internally with readiness to use political will in the right direction; to take significant actions to address critical human rights issues in Nigeria. Key Words : Citizens, Human Rights, Security, Democracy, Governance

The New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), which came into existence in 2001, was a vision of African political leaders to bring development to their citizens. The focus of this paper is to examine the conditions for sustainable development strategy which is one of the three key strategies of the NEPAD development programme. Nigeria began the implementation of the programme in2003. The author argued in this paper that, for the lack of “political will” on the part of the government, to create the enabling environment for sustainable development, has not been achieved in Nigeria. The study found that while it is true that the government has domesticated and began implementation of the programme, the elements of the conditions for sustainable development such as peace and security, democracy and good governance, human rights protection, infrastructural development, etc. are far from being attained. The paper recommended that the government must embark on sincere political, institutional and administrative reforms, especially with regard to institutionalizing good governance democracy, so as to create the necessary conditions for sustainable development. Keywords: Development, Sustainable Development, Strategies, Conditions, Institutionalization, Governance, Good Governance

Nigeria has been faced with many security challenges especially since her return to democracy in 1999. Since 1999, the nation witnessed serious security challenges that has not only threatened her existence as a nation but has defied all solutions for its eradication including the efforts of the security agencies to tackle the problem. This calls for an urgent attention and collaboration of the traditional rulers in checking the rising tide of insecurity in Nigeria. As the rulers of various communities, and the custodian of the people’s culture, they have a grip of the people at the grass root and therefore can mobilize the people for action against insecurity in their domain and by extension the nation. The paper is to examine not only the roles of the traditional rulers in the maintenance of security for an effective nation building but also how the institution to be restructured for it to perform better in the maintenance of national security for sustainable development in Nigeria. This demands that the traditional institution be restructured in a way and manner that it will operate optimally in the maintenance of national security

The paper examined the interlocking relationship among democracy, development and insurgency in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. It interrogated the western orthodox conception that democracy necessarily brings about development. It made use of literary materials in its analysis after subjecting them to textual and contextual analysis. The paper posited that since 1999, Nigeria’s ruling elites have marginalized and impoverished the vast majority of Nigerians. It contended that the failure of the ruling elite accentuated insurgency and terrorism and concluded that the prophylactic is for the Nigerian people to remain the focus and ‘raison d’ etre’ of democracy and not pursuit of ‘self’ and ‘class’ interests. Keywords: Democracy, Development, Insurgency, Terrorism, Fourth Republic

The IMF and the World Bank have called Ghana a “model nation” regarding the political and economic developments in the country since the late 1980s. At the center-piece of these developments are economic liberalization, institutionalization of multi-party democracy and an improved relationship between Ghana and western donors. Even though these changes have brought some benefits to Ghanaians, this paper utilizes published statistics and evidence to argue that Ghana’s model nation image exaggerates Ghana’s success and hence untenable. First, it overlooks both the perennial social and economic challenges facing average Ghanaians decades after reforms were instituted. Second, Ghana’s on-going development is largely dependent on the inflow of development assistance. If the inflow of Western assistance was to cease, it will be the end of the on-going political and economic reforms in Ghana. The paper asks; why do the IMF and World Bank touts Ghana as a model nation? Also, for whom is Ghana supposed to be a model? The paper speculates that Ghana’s model nation image perception is perhaps part of a hidden agenda by the IMF and World Bank who single out Ghana as a model in an effort to chastise other African nations.Keywords: Socio-economic Development, Ghanaian Society, Development Assistance, Social Problems

The paper critically examines and evaluates inter alia Trade Unions as Organisations and the key issues and problems of Internal Democracy within them. It transcends this analysis to assert that these core issues apply equally well to Political Organisations. Thus, from an ideological standpoint, Trade Unions play a great role in representing members’ interests in regulating labour market and Managerial Relations with employees. Similarly, it is the opinion of this article that theoretically speaking and to some extent, Trade Unions adopt democratic constitutions by giving their members ultimate control over certain policy decisions and the organisation of their own union activities. Achieving internal democracy within Trade Unions requires more than just member activism, and ipso facto, the paper contends that a democratic union must have a mix grill of three basic features – a (i)democratic constitution,(ii) institutional opposition and(iii) an active membership. Trade Union Organisations and by extension, political organisations, must build their governance around these democratic principles ad nauseam.

One global identity today is glaring poverty. The intercontinental epidemic has its worse effects on the developing nations of the world, Africa and Nigeria in particular. Indicators of this glaring poverty span through all human socio-political economic lives of the citizenry, from health to education, gender inequality and to environmental degradation. The United Nations woke up to this startling reality in September 8, 2000 in New York to adopt a millennium declaration to address this problem. This has hither to been adopted in Nigeria by the democratic government of Presidents Obasanjo and Yar'Adua. Yar'Adua in the wake of his administration declared a 7-point agenda to combact poverty and its attendant indicators head-long. This paper therefore observes that, though MDGs and its incorporated 7-points agenda of Yar'Adua seem to have the prospect and capability to address the problem of poverty in Nigeria, yet it lacks the in-built capacity toaddress poverty especially in this era of global economic meltdown. To this end the paper contends that some policies in the past failed to address similar problems due to lack of strong political will and corruption. Therefore, the paper examines some challenges confronting the attainment of MDGs and the Yar’Adua’s 7-point agenda in Nigeria. Finally, the paper identifies some policy suggestions towards realising the MDGs and the 7-point agenda. Content analysis is relied upon in the course of the research.

The electoral process in many of Africa’s ‘new’ democracies has been characterised by violence. However, recent manifestations of electoral violence have assumed an unprecedented magnitude and changing form and character, with negative implications for democratic stability and consolidation. This paper analyses electoral violence in Africa, with emphasis on its manifestations, causes, implications and possible solutions. The paper argues that rising electoral violence in Africa is closely connected with the neo-patrimonial character of the African state, the nature of contestation for power, the weak institutionalisation of democratic architectures, including political parties and electoral management bodies (EMBs), and the fascinating political economy of electoral violence. This is complicated by the absence/paucity of democrats, with democratic mindset, to play the game of politics according to established rules. Worse still, avenues for democratic redress, including the judiciary and civil society, are also deeply implicated in the deepening contradictions of the state. The result is the deinstitutionalisation of the people in the democratisation process. Electoral violence is thus a major source of democratic instability with palpable threats of deconsolidation. These contradictions will have to be redressed to tame the monster.

Globalization has become one of the commonplace terms which describe the current world in which we live. The substantive ranks with such other adjectives like cybernetic, technological and democratic. Specifically the term points to the rallying together or homogeneity of world culture in its economic, technological and cultural dimensions, especially across national frontiers. Religion, being an indispensable part of culture, is not left untouched by this wind of global interpenetration, accelerated by rapid developments in telecommunications and socio-economic interdependence. Such a convergence in a divergent or pluralistic religious environment like Nigeria, creates an inner and also a visible tension. This paper explores this tension with a view of proffering ways it can be cushioned. Primary and secondary means in the collection of data are used in the research procedure. Analytic and synthetic approaches were mainly used in the interpretation of data. The paper points out that while the good effects of globalization in a multi-religious milieu as in Nigeria, like good interreligious understanding and exchanges should be appraised, ugly undertones of globalization like religious imperialism and penetration of negative secularism and humanism as new religious movements, should be seen as an old enemy in a new disguise.

The paper is a critical examination of consensual democracy and the political problem of human rights in Kwasi Wiredu’s philosophy. In one of his philosophical works, Wiredu establishes the thesis of a non-party system, based on consensus, as a central principle for political theory and democratic practice in Africa. The imperativeness of this, among other reasons, is to forestall, if not all, but certainly the causes of the political problem of human rights in contemporary Africa. Taking off from Wiredu’s positions, this paper examines the problems and flaws arising from his thesis. The paper argues that while his discovery of some harvest of human rights is an enviable contribution to African jurisprudence, his proposal on non-party consensual democracy, is however, a theoretical farce. As a consequence, the paper concludes that the difficulties in Wiredu’s notion of consensual democracy necessarily stifle the possibility of it being a sine qua non to the reality of his much vaunted political right to decisional representation in the 21st century Africa.

Anthony Downs (1957), in his celebrated work, ‘An Economic Theory of Democracy’, argued, that parties were political firms in business of selling packages of policies in order to maximise votes so as to be able to win and enjoy the fruits of government office. While on the other hand voters were political consumers, using their votes as political currency to purchase the public policies on offer at a general election. These voters were not tied to any party but they were rational, maximising, free-thinking and were determined to gain maximum return by voting for a party of their choice. These voters elect a party that offered them the best policy package at the lowest tax cost. As it will become clear in this paper, most of the rural voters from 61 constituencies out of a total of 80 in 2007 Lesotho election, elected Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) probably on the basis of Downs’ observations above. LCD popularised free education and a pension scheme policies for the elderly who had never been employed before. The task of this paper is to evaluate this perception in relation to the rational choice theory. The paper will also assess the rational choice model in line with the above description to ascertain whether the LCD, a party that has been winning elections in Lesotho from 1998 to 2007 has been voted on the basis of this model. The paper does not claim that rational choice model will provide a definitive answer to this project, but it will attempt to analyse patterns that may appear to reflect some similarities with the model. However, this would not mean that, by testing this model on LCD policies, the model is beyond criticism since rational model is noted for its complexities when applied to empirical cases.

This paper attempts to capture the logic and character of Nigerian politics and governance from 1999 to 2007. The development of ‘command democracy’ took root during this period. On the basis of the empirical evidence adduced, the paper argued that the phenomenon of ‘praetorian democracy’ which became visible from 1999 to 2007 undermined the constitution and due democratic process. Executive contempt for the rule of law, gave the president the power of a military Head of State, whilethe federal system was run like a unitary state. The dialectical confrontation between democracy and partocracy, in which a black market system of power evolved to leverage the dominant wing of PeopleDemocracy Party leadership became the painful reminder of the inglorious military authoritarian antibodies constructed to resist democratic virus. Conscious of the crisis of power fixation that makes acquisition of state power the only guarantee of upward social mobility, shrinking the state to make it less attractive as the politics of the “belly domain” is recommended.

This paper proposes, among other things, that ethnic conflicts in Africa are fallout of colonialism. Relying on the comparative study of Nigeria and South Africa, it is the contention in this paper that ethnic conflict which has been at the heart of African countries development problem is a product of skewed economy, authoritarian governance and religious bigotry. There is no gainsaying the fact that African countries in contemporary times contend with greater challenges to peace and stability than ever before. Conflicts igniting factors in Africa have been a hotch - potch of insecurity, instability and poverty manifesting in hunger and starvation. All these are themselves products of corrupt and rapacious political institutions that assumed power in the African countries. This has been the case in countries of sub-Saharan Africa like Sierra-Leone, Ivory Coast, Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The contention therefore in this paper is that conflict has become a reoccurring decimal in Africa because the countries lack political will and consequently ineffective in conflict management. This paper is also meant to be a contribution towards the ongoing search for new means of managing ethnic conflict in Africa. The paper compares the management of ethnic conflicts in Nigeria and South Africa with a view to underscoring the intricacies in managing deep-rooted and complex conflicts in Africa.

This paper centres on a philosophical evaluation of democratic ethics vis- a- vis its functionality in Nigeria. It outlines the qualities of a genuine democracy having adequately conceptualises the term and its associated problems in the Nigerian context. The paper concludes with suggestions that would improve the democratic system against the background that the operators would have a change of heart in the practice of democracy. It is the position of the paper that it is not the system that is fundamentally faulty but the operators. Democracy will be functional in Nigeria if and only if the operators are determined to make it so.

The questions of the possibility of and the need for an African theory of democracy have been controversial in African intellectual discourse. Many African political scholars, politicians and indeed contemporary African states seem to have resolved that aping alien theoretical models and practices of democracy is the most appealing option for Africa. Others have felt the need and made claims for the adoption of Africa’s democratic heritage and values, which are rooted in her traditional past, in order to resolve Africa’s own kind of peculiar problems. While such approaches may be well observed, this article argues that it is important to ask whether the persistent failure of democracy in African states is also related to African political culture. The paper indicts the former approach as the residues of mental colonization and political alienation, and insists on the existence of a missing link in the latter’s assumption and discourse. This missing mark is identified to be conceptual failure in exploring what an African democratic theory entails. The paper argues that the absence of democratic theory in African political scholarship can be overcome by providing the underlying principles, meaning, canons and criteria of democracy in an African culture. It exposes the conceptual errors implicit in the conflation of democracy as a concept and as practiced in different political systems. As a consequence, it establishes that an eclectic appraisal of our indigenous democratic values and practices as well as democratic ideas from other cultural traditions can provide a viable African theory of democracy. Resume Les questions de la possibilite et la necessite d'une theorie democratique africaine suscitent la polemique dans le discours intellectuel africain. De nombreux chercheurs en science politique, des politiques et meme des Etats africains contemporains semblent convaincus que singer des theories sur les modeles et pratiques democratiques etrangers constitue le choix le plus seduisant pour l'Afrique. D'autres ont eprouve le besoin pour, et ont revendique un recours a l'heritage et aux valeurs democratiques de l'Afrique enracines dans son passe traditionnel, en vue de resoudre ces problemes specifiques a l'Afrique. Le bien-fonde de ces approches nonobstant, nous pretendons dans cet article qu'il est important de se demander si l'echec persistent de la democratie en Afrique n'est pas lie a la culture politique en Afrique. L'article met en cause la premiere approche, en la qualifiant de residus de la colonisation mentale et de l'alienation politique, tout en insistant qu'il existe un chainon manquant dans l'assomption et le discours de cette derniere. Ce chainon manquant n'est rien d'autre que l'incapacite conceptuelle a analyser les elements d'une theorie democratique africaine. Nous postulons que l'obstacle que constitue l'absence d'une theorie democratique chez les intellectuels politiques africains peut etre surmonte par la definition des principes sous-jacents, de signification, des canons et des criteres de la democratie dans un contexte culturel africain. L'article met au grand jour les erreurs conceptuelles implicites dans l'assemblage de la democratie en un concept telle qu'elle est pratiquee dans divers systemes politiques. Par consequent, l'article demontre qu'une analyse de nos valeurs et pratiques democratiques indigenes ainsi que des idees democratiques issues d'autres traditions culturelles peut aboutir a une theorie democratique viable pour l'Afrique.

This paper examines the present state of Education, Democracy and National Development in the present Democratic dispensation in Nigeria. It proposes a number of steps for improving and reinforcing the foundations of our educational systems for a sustainable national development. A major tool of development is democracy. It needs to be understood, nurtured and applied appropriately so that majority of Nigerians who are yet to enjoy the dividends of democracy not only in education, but also in other areas of National development can do so. The paper concludes by challenging the present legislators to leave up to their expectations as true representatives of their people in ensuring that education is given the highest priority over and above all other sectors of the economy. It is the writer's believe that once education is funded properly and adequately, other sectors of the economy would have been indirectly funded. The Information Manager Vol. 8 (1) 2008: pp. 1-6

This is a review paper which tries to apply the art and science of andragogy to classroom learning for adults and non-adults. In this paper, the writer explicates andragogical approach from a sociolinguistic perspective, and relates it to democracy. A bipartite relationship between education and sustainable democracy has been well established in this paper. The author believes that for an authentic education for democracy, the new focus or philosophical orientation should be learner-friendly environment and man-centered altruism. The writer has also established that learners imbibe leadership values through political education, creative thinking and democratic and sociolinguistic principles such as the co-operative-politeness maxim, turn-taking, discoursal freedom, freedom of enquiry, condescension in speech act, accommodation in code alternation, or language choice and altruistic language behaviour. The values of co-operation, reciprocal respect, politeness, social camaraderie, justice, and the rule of law are inculcated in the learners. Through this socio-political and sociolinguistic engineering process, the homo-sapiens is changed to homo-politico-culturalis, whose potentiality for devilment is sublimated, thus making him become a man with moral finesse. Teachers therefore need more training in andragogical educational approach. Keywords : keyword; keyword; keyword Ethiopian Journal of Education and Sciences Vol. 3 (2) 2008: pp. 97-106

In Africa, the decade of the nineteen nineties was characterised by civil war and interstate conflict, but as the decade came to a close and a new millennium emerged many of the protracted conflicts in Africa had officially come to an end. The official resolution of conflict in Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Liberia and Cote d'Ivoire has helped stem the rampant instability that has plagued the continent for most of its postcolonial history. With the newly established peace agreements comes an even more critical and difficult challenge of creating peaceful societies in these war-ravaged nations. In order to rebuild a nation, one must examine and acknowledge the root causes of the conflict. One of the most prevalent and underrepresented root causes of conflict in Africa and worldwide is that of horizontal inequalities. In that light, the goal of this paper is to provide practical solutions for the long-term resolution of conflict by addressing one of its root causes, that of horizontal inequalities. Reference will be made to solutions proven successful in past cases where conflict emerged as a result of group inequalities, namely Rwanda and Mali. The paper will take the following form: Section one will look at the current literature on conflict and demonstrate the link between horizontal inequalities and conflict. Section two will focus on the two case studies providing background to the conflict, and the action taken after violent conflict ceased. Section three will be dedicated to the lessons learned from the Malian and the Rwandan experience, including policy recommendations that should be instituted for any nation where horizontal inequalities are a major catalyst of conflict. African Journal on Conflict Resolution Vol. 8 (1) 2008: pp. 105-134

In April 2005, Zimbabwe held general elections which saw the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union - Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) emerge as victors for the umpteenth time. Despite this win, the ruling party seems to suffer paranoia, as manifested by the recent Operation Murambatsvina. A look at the Zimbabwean political history points to the fact that Zimbabwean elections have been characterised by violence which has landed the country in an economic morass. This paper looks at the dynamics of Zimbabwean political conflict using Operation Murambatsvina as a case study. The paper expresses the view that like many others of its nature, this operation was a purge against the people who are suspected to support the opposition parties, particularly the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC).

The paper is on contentious political pressures and democratization in Nigeria - A focus on MOSOP. The aim is to show the impact of contentious political pressures on the process of democratization in Nigeria using MOSOP as a case study. Political economy refers to the rapacious exploitation and devastation of Ogoni kingdom by Shell as well as government support of this nefarious activity and the resultant resistance by MOSOP. Content analysis and historical approach as methodological guides were largely applied to explain the relationship between contentious political pressure and democratization in Nigeria. The study discovers that the unfeigned and consistent contentious political pressures mounted by MOSOP in an attempt to protect its environment and people from complete devastation had serious contributing effects on the transition from autocracy to electoral democracy in Nigeria. Arising from this, the paper recommends that more of contentious political pressures should be encouraged among depressed societies to compel unresponsive regimes to address the problems of the society. Global Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 6 (1) 2007: pp. 77-84

Conceptions of race and belonging are central both to the violence of South Africa's past, and the relative peace of South Africa's present. In the colonial world the question of belonging was related to the distinction between Settler and Native, a distinction that came to be racialised as settlers became natives, and natives became foreigners. If there was an enduring question that split the anti-apartheid movements in South Africa, then this was it: what would be the fate of the white settlers in a South Africa without apartheid: where would they belong? This paper argues, through a discussion of two shifts in the conception of belonging in South African political thought, that if South Africa represents a peaceful transition from authoritarian rule to democracy, then it was the answer to the question of 'who belonged' that probably swayed the forces of social change in one direction, rather than another. The history of South Africa, viewed from inside and outside, is marked by the question of how race has facilitated domination. I want in this paper to speak about Race in South Africa and its connection to violence and peace. But we cannot talk about peace processes without talking about violent processes first. Solutions are defined by their problems. But I will talk about the problem not by recounting the thousands who died resisting apartheid, or the thousands who died defending apartheid, or the hundreds of thousands who were annihilated by the colonial settlers of British, Dutch and French ancestry. Nor of hundreds of thousands whose lives were intangibly violated by the experience of forced land removals, of disrupted and denied futures, or of families dislocated by the experience of migrant labour. Or of the legions of anonymous fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, sons and daughters, whose experiences and trauma could not be recounted at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission where we were battered by gut-wrenching stories and choked by graphic accounts of sensational violence, a violence that resists comprehension. But this violence, the grisly gore of it, can by its sheer veracity, its sheer scale, its sheer brutality, become an object of awe in and of itself. Because from where we stand, its mere existence, its mere translation from thought into deed astounds us. I want therefore to resist the temptation to recount the details of this manifest violence because it might be more useful to think about the mundane than the sensational. It is often in the mundane, or as Hannah Arendt found, in the banal, that violence, and perhaps peace, resides. I want therefore to connect the innocent word and the violent deed into a single economy of meaning to make some of the violence intelligible and some of the peace intelligible. And I want to do that, by telling two tales about race and belonging in South Africa. Conceptions of belonging are both central to the violence of South Africa's past, and the relative peace of South Africa's present. Who belonged? Who had a right to belong? In the colonial world the question of belonging was related to the distinction between Native and Settler, as the noted Ugandan scholar, Mahmood Mamdani, has observed when he asked: 'When does the Settler become a Native?' (Mamdani 1996)

The paper is based on field visits to community projects in Thailand as part of the learning processes of community initiatives and democratisation of planning practices at the community level. The principal objective of these studies is to analyse the mechanisms that communities use to initiate, implement, and manage community projects on a sustainable basis to benefit their lives. The focus of the paper is on Urban Community Environmental Activities (UCEA) projects in Thailand, examining the genesis of the programme, the processes involved and more importantly the structure of community participation in the implementation and management of the programmes. The role of central government in providing the legal, institutional and financial incentives to facilitate the process is also analysed. The factors that contributed to the relative success of these projects: an independent board to ensure flexibility, participation of the poor, and strong social and community networks are outlined. Furthermore, the paper draws lessons from the Thai experiences that are relevant for the development of urban communities in Ghana.Journal of Science and Technology(Ghana) Vol. 27 (1) 2007: pp. 109-118

Today's world is used to all sorts of inter-group violent conflicts, but definitely not the type in the post military Nigeria where soldiers and policemen fatally combat each other; soldiers claiming superiority over policemen who, in turn, want to seize every opportunity to act that in a democracy, they, no longer the soldiers, are the boss. This is a “role reversal protest” triggered by, first, the bossy and ‘save our souls’ Nigerian soldiers who had controlled political power until 1999; second, the inability of the post military government to make adequate provision for the management of soldiers, thereby exposing them to regular contacts with civilians. The third factor is the high handedness of some Nigerian policemen in the process of enforcing the law. In an exploration of the situation, this paper asserts that such role reversal protest is inevitable in most post military rule societies, but is pronounced in Nigeria owing to the given reasons. The paper canvases appropriate policies and practices to manage the protest in order to prevent degeneration to institutional rivalry between the military and the police: a development that can crush Nigeria’s avant grade democracy. Some policies are suggested based on common practices around the world. Also, the role of the civil society is emphasized. Key words : Role Reversal Protest, Post military Soldiers, Inter Group Conflicts, Partisan Ruling/Dominant Class, Military Privileges

Of late, Nigeria has been gripped with threats of terrorism and general insecurity, which many believed are direct consequences of bad leadership, poverty, unemployment, widespread illiteracy and extreme deprivation. These ills provided the impetus for the anger that breeds religious extremism and terrorism. The emergence of Boko Haram and its attendant security challenges are therefore, the direct product of state failure in its responsibility to be sensitive to the plight and predicaments of the citizenry. The paper examined Boko Haram insurgency and its debilitating consequences for socio-economic and political development of the Nigerian state. The paper recommended that to achieve a lasting solution to the security challenges thrown up by the nefarious activities of the Boko Haram sect, government must revitalize and consolidate the socio-economic and political structures of the Nigerian state and the north in particular. More fundamentally, government should make conscious efforts towards building a genuine integration of the various ethnic nationalities within the Nigerian nation through instituting the cultures of true democracy and good governance anchored on fairness, equity, accountability, and transparency in the polity. Key words : Boko Haram, poverty, terrorism, extremism, democracy, governance, insurgency, integration, fairness, equity, accountability, transparency.

This paper derives from the contemporary concern facing good governance and the sustainability of democratic government in Nigeria. The phenomenon of corruption i.e. bureaucratic corruption has negative implications on the nation and therefore capable of terminating our nascent democracy, hence, the need to curb or reduce to the bearest minimum the menace of corruption in the country. The paper examines the effects of bureaucratic corruption on the socio-economic as well as the political development of the nation and concludes that no democracy can thrive or survive where pervasive corruption is an enduring feature of such a nation, hence, recommends among others the need to “fight” corruption at all levels of government. This fight must be a collective responsibility of all Nigerians and not an exclusive preserve of the government. By so doing, the country will attain a higher level of development in the 21 st century and beyond. Keywords : bureaucratic corruption, anticorruption, socio-economic,strategies in Nigeria Global Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 4(1&2) 2005: 21-25

This article attempts to make a political assessment of the last three decades since the 1974 mass revolt. It is argued that the fundamental demands of all those who took to the streets in 1974 were for democracy, social and economic rights. The paper considers the fundamental problems of the country both in 1974 when the Derg came to power, as well as in 1991 when it was overthrown, and asks why, three decades after the revolution, the general situation in Ethiopia is now worse than it was in 1974. The problems are analysed in terms of ethnicity and ethnic conflicts. The paper also looks at development strategies, both under the Derg and the EPDRF. Some of the key issues in this regard are poverty and rural development, the environment, and gender upliftment.

Since the dawn of democracy in South Africa (from 1994), the education sector has been haunted by the spirit of change and transformation from the apartheid-influenced education system to the one which will represent the demographic make-up of this country. As a result of this line of thinking, there has been a policy for all sectors of education B from early childhood development to Higher education. Discussion documents have been followed by Green papers, White papers and Acts. The Higher education sector has been no exception in the situation whereby a flurry of policies have been made, amended and re-amended in order to change the landscape. The latest landmark has been the ‘merging' of higher educational institutions and reducing their number from 36 to 21. This state of affairs has raised a lot of concerns, questions, arguments and debates from the involved institutions, their staff (both academic and non-academic), the entire academic regime, politicians and society at large. When institutions merge, numerous aspects such as the curriculum, efficiency, equity, staffing, students, organizational integration and physical integration effects can be either negatively or positively affected.1 This article will focus only on what happens to the curricula of the merged institutions? And what are the effects (either positive or negative) of these mergers2 on the resultant curricula of the combined institutions? There are various scenarios whereby the curriculum of one or both institutions could remain unchanged, or the curriculum could be a partial compromise of the new curriculum to reflect both institutions; and a complete integration whereby the curriculum of one of the institutions is completely discarded. SAJHE Vol.18(1) 2004: 98-110

Nigerian form and practice of democracy is very faulty, ranging from the foundation to the very level of the actual practice of democracy. Most political office holders in Nigeria arrive at the corridors of power through avenues devoid of generally accepted standard of democratic principle, it is in Nigeria that one gets to hear and see that power is actually taken and not given as is provided by the principles of democracy. John Locke in his political theory presented consent as the bedrock of democracy and went further to outline the aims of civil government. Consequently, any civil government that deviates from the provisions of the social contract theory, stands the risk of dissolution. From the foregoing, the reverse is the case in the Nigerian socio-political space. This work makes use of analytical method in philosophy to investigate the shortcomings in the characteristics of democracy being practiced in Nigeria, it would analyze John Locke’s concept of the state placing it in line with current trends in the Nigerian political scene. The researcher discovered that what is practiced in Nigeria falls short, far below standard of what is generally known and practiced worldwide as democracy which by implication is the “government of the people, by the people and for the people, viewing it through the lens and window of Lockean provision. Finally, this paper concludes that Nigeria politicians and office holders should eschew selfishness and pursue that which would contribute positively to the commonwealth. Democracy is people/masses oriented. Once a nation misses this target, the glory of that nation automatically starts corroding and subsequently fades away, and the result is seen in the gross suffering of the citizens. Keywords: Democracy, Politics, Nigeria, Power, Government.

Africa as a continent has been ravaged by wars that have brought untold hardship and retardation to development. Militarization and war places various demands on both males and females. This study concentrates on how females have been used as sex slaves and have now become vulnerable to rape and outright fighting in the wars. Extenuating the effects of war with its irreparable losses and psychological trauma in recent times has been the focus of governments, nongovernmental organizations and philanthropists. The devastation caused by the conflicts, the destruction to communities and the suffering of women and girls cannot be over emphasized. Recent years have seen many regions of Africa involved in wars and internal or external conflicts. From Liberia to Sierra Leone; Angola, The Democratic Republic of Congo to Rwanda; Burundi, Mali, Côte d’Ivoire to Sudan, the story is a sad and saddening one. Therefore, this article discusses the effects of armed conflicts on women and girls, using Iyorwuese Hagher’s Lamp of Peace as a textual reference. It employs the literary method to consider the response of Iyorwuese Hagher as a playwright regarding the outcry against war atrocities against women. The paper argues that glaring gaps still exist regarding the protection of women and girls during armed conflicts. As such, women and girls deserve special attention that focuses on protection as they are both victims of abuse and actors in reconstruction. Keywords: War, Atrocities on women, Protection and rehabilitation, Lamp of Peace, Africa

This paper reports on some recent educational innovations on the training in public Nutrition at the University of Oslo, in the form of three independent but mutually supportive graduate/postgraduate elective courses: Global Nutrition, Nutrition and Governance, and, Nutrition and Human Rights. These courses are offered internationally in English by the Institute for Nutrition Research, School of Nutrition, Formally Known as the Nordic School of Nutrition. The main aim of the courses is to have more Universities training programs take up the critical contemporary trends that may increasingly have an impact on the food and nutrition situation globally, manifested in different ways according to circumstances. Global Nutrition is a five-credit course, corresponding to 15 ECTS (European Credit Transfer System). The course stresses the importance of applying both a historical perspective and a system approach in discussing current and changing manifestations and interpretation of "the nutrition problem." This will help students understand the shifting priorities for research and action that take place over time. Nutrition and Governance combines aspects of nutrition policy formulation, nutrition programming, and assessment of nutritional impact of broader development initiatives. The students also get an understanding of the "micro-governance" exerted by various institutions that work with food and nutrition problems. The Nutrition and Human Rights course brings a new notion of formalized and legally based ethics and morale and thus hope. The understanding is conveyed, given time, the existing and evolving norms, mechanisms and how procedures of the international human rights systems may gradually become internalized. This can occur through the growing number of democratic governments, most of which would have ratified the relevant international conventions establishing food, health and good nutrition as human rights. A new challenge in the public nutrition community is the linkage between globalization and human development, nutrition and human rights, without going deeper into them. Further studies of such linkages in specific country situations are urgently needed and call for academic and professional openness towards interdisciplinary dialogue, research and implementation. Thus there is indeed progress in nutrition thinking within a global perspective. The potential role and contributions of African nutritionists in accelerating this progress is promising and encouraged. Key words: Training, Emerging issues, Role of African Nutritionists and institutions, Food and Nutrition rights. Note: An earlier version of this paper was presented at the IUNS Satellite meeting "Progress in Public Nutrition", 24-26 August, 2001, 17th IUNS Congress on Nutrition, Vienna, Austria (Af. J. Food and Nutritional Sciences: 2002 2 (1): 46-55)

This paper highlights the intricate organization and crucial role of the judicial arm of government in the effective running of society. The paper explains and re-echoes the imperative of an independent, impartial and fearless judiciary as a bulwark against abuse of power, tyranny, lawlessness and instability in the nation. Finally, the paper outline the enormous contribution of the Nigerian Judiciary to the survival of the country’s democracy and suggests urgent review of relevant laws by government and capacity building for its officers in order to enhance its overall performance and speedy dispensation of justice and boosting of its credibility and public acceptance.

This paper explores the relevance of psychology and the social and human sciences in a changing South Africa. The new South Africa embraces a liberal democratic approach to government. The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) is a policy document that articulates the goals of this liberal democratic society and the transformative approach to be followed to achieve it. The RDP policy document advocates massive social change and the steps that have been taken to implement the goals of the policy need to be assessed. In this paper, this has been analysed at the level of employment practices. Employment advertisements for social and human science graduates, in three national weekly newspapers, from 1976 to 1996, were investigated. The results are interpreted within a framework based on the ideas of Nickolas Rose about the role played by the discipline of psychology in a liberal democratic society. Journal of Social Development in Africa Vol 15 No 2 2000, pp. 115-136