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Since 2009 the Tea Party has disrupted and deeply influenced American politics. The force of the movement has been felt not only in the three election cycles since then, but also in the development of public policy. One area where Tea Party influence has been said to be significant is in the area of environmental sustainability. As local governments have moved toward adopting environmental measures aimed at promoting sustainability, there have been some cases where local Tea Parties have emerged as aggressive and strident opponents of related policy changes. How widespread this behavior has been is unclear. In this paper we look broadly at the Tea Party movement across the country and systematically assess its influence in urban America. Based on evidence we've gathered for a number of different databases, we find that the Tea Party has not had a measurable impact on city policymaking in the area of sustainability. Moreover, we find that local Tea Party chapters generally have very limited organizational capacity to engage in advocacy. Across 50 large American cities, our findings indicate that the typical Tea Party chapter is at best a modest presence in local politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many cities across the United States have embraced programs aimed at sustainability. This may seem surprising as adopting aggressive environmental protection programs are regarded by some as inimical to economic development. An alternative perspective is that in the modern city sustainability can be part of an economic development strategy. To explore the actual behavior of cities we draw on two original databases on 50 large American cities. One source of data is composed of survey responses from city councilors, agency administrators, and leaders of local advocacy groups in each of these cities. The second database contains information as to what these 50 cities actually do in terms of sustainable programs and policies. In testing a series of hypotheses, we find that: a high number of programs aimed at promoting sustainability is linked to the inclusion of environmental advocacy groups; that this relationship is not compromised by business advocacy; and that inclusion of environmental groups in policymaking seems to be supported, rather than impeded, by high rates of economic growth by the cities [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do nonprofits empower themselves? In this paper we analyze nonprofit advocacy in city politics, emphasizing especially their interaction with local policymakers. First we discuss what we call the "politics of place" in cities, examining the participation of three types of citywide and neighborhood nonprofits. The second section develops two lines of inquiry and articulates a set of hypotheses that grow out of a theoretical construct relating to low barriers to entry. Next, after describing the empirical methodology, those hypotheses are tested with data derived from large scale surveys in 50 of the nation's largest cities. The subjects of these three surveys are city councilors, agency administrators, and interest group advocates. We find that access to policymakers in city politics is relatively easy as the barriers to entry for advocates is quite low. Not surprisingly the evidence points to a privileged position for business, though neighborhood associations also stand out in terms of incorporation into the policymaking process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An intriguing puzzle concerning urban environments is whether or not cities are characterized by a Kuznets Curve. Based on theorizing about the economic development of countries, our conjecture is this: can we assume that after cities reach a level of economic prosperity that they place greater emphasis on quality of life issues and, conversely, less emphasis on economic development? If so, wealthier cities should prioritize sustainability efforts-those programs and policies designed to mitigate environmental degradation. We examine this proposition here but move beyond a simple relationship between city income and effort toward environmental protection. Rather, we hypothesize that any such relationship is conditioned by a city's level of environmental advocacy. The data utilized in this analysis are derived from two large-scale databases. One is a comprehensive inventory of sustainability programs and policies in fifty large American cities. The other is a set of surveys in those same 50 cities. Our multivariate model supports our hypothesis. Controlling for income growth, a city's commitment to sustainability is strongly linked to environmentalists' presence in the policymaking process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The explosion of interest in the political and civic engagement of young people has brought increasing attention to the question of gender differences in youth engagement. One reason is that the study of young people may provide particular leverage on a common explanation for gender differences observed among adults, specifically that greater rates of participation among men--when present--arise from their advantage in the cognitive and material resources that promote political activity and that access to politically relevant resources are more equally distributed among younger citizens so that there is more gender uniformity than gender difference among the young.. This paper uses data from nationwide surveys of 18 to 24 year olds in 2006 and 2007 to examine the roots of gender differences in political activities and in community/nonprofit activities. After examining basic patterns of difference, it develops a multivariate model and applies it separately to young men and young women. The results of this analysis are then used as the point of departure for a preliminary analysis of the differential effects that male and female parents have on their children. Overall, we find evidence that having well-educated parents who are interested in politics affects women more than men. Talking to parents about politics seems to increase electoral engagement for young women more than for young men; but it also seems to increase community and nonprofit engagement for young men more than for young women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American cities vary greatly in the degree to which they demonstrate a commitment to sustainability. Determining why some cities develop an array of programs designed to promote sustainability while others cities do little is a complex undertaking. We focus here on the interaction between various interest group sectors and city councilors. Our measurements draw on a combination of two databases, one a survey of 50 large American cities and the other a comprehensive index of city-level programming in the area of environmental protection and sustainability. Particular attention is paid to the role of urban nonprofits, including neighborhood associations, environmental groups, and non-environmental civic associations. Although the relationships are not consistent through all tests, there is an overall pattern that links nonprofit advocacy to increased levels of sustainability programs and policies. In a multivariate analysis labor union advocacy proves to be most powerful predicator of serious city-level sustainability efforts. This belies the image of labor as being anti-environmental. Our modern, post-industrial economy generates jobs with the development of green businesses. Overall, we find that city governments appear relatively open with a diverse array of advocacy groups participating in the policymaking process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the relationship between sense of community, political and civic participation, and the pursuit of sustainability in American cities. Using the Social Capital Benchmark Survey cities as the source of comparison, it finds that cities pursuing sustainability policies do tend to be more participatory places. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In years past interest group theory was deeply influenced by research on groups in cities, but more recent scholarship on interest groups has focused on national politics. To what degree do contemporary urban interest group systems fit the models of national policymaking? In trying to answer this question we draw on a set of interviews with city councilors, administrators, and interest group representatives in eight cities in eastern Massachusetts. Three significant problems are addressed. First, what is the rate of participation by different interest group sectors, and how does this constellation of groups at the local level compare with that in Washington? We found an abundance of citizen groups and neighborhood associations, and a much smaller proportion of business organizations in comparison to Washington. Second, what is the relationship between local groups and urban governments? The data revealed a substantial amount of collaboration, especially between nonprofits and the more urban of the cities. The third and final part of the analysis examines development politics in the city of Boston. A clear bias toward facilitating large development project exists, but it is difficult to detect any unified elite dominating city politics. The evidence gathered suggests that the structure of city politics and the needs of bureaucracies necessitates and facilitates a high level of participation by diverse interest group populations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]