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Our aim was to explore the paradoxical role of the Catholic Church during the early AIDS era in establishing a policy network committed to the principles of public health, even in instances in which these principles contradicted Catholic moral teaching. This article is rooted in a study that explored the transformational effects of AIDS on Irish sexual health policy during the initial decade of the epidemic; that is, as it unfolded in Ireland between 1982 and 1992. Our source material, consisting of 20 documents that had been unexplored for more than 25 years, was obtained from the Dublin AIDS Alliance Ltd., an Irish civil society organization that supports HIV-positive people. Our archival research was supported by 18 semistructured key informant interviews with contemporaneous politicians, representatives of the Catholic Church, clinical personnel, and AIDS activists. We examined the critical role of a Catholic priest in developing a coherent national policy response that reflected the public health principles advocated by the World Health Organization at a time when the moral authority of the Roman Catholic Church had a significant influence on successive Irish governments. (Am J Public Health. 2018;108:908-913.).

This essay outlines the problems facing Soviet health authorities at the inception of the People's Commissariat of Public Health in 1918 and the innovative methods employed in sanitary enlightenment propaganda in Russia throughout the 1920s. Beset by funding issues and supply problems, the emissaries of health chose the cheapest means of health improvement (propaganda) with the most cost-effective method (prevention), and crowed of great successes even as large portions of the nation still suffered from lack of contact with sanitary authorities. Targeting Soviet citizens at every stage and space of life, the envoys of public health spread the message of prophylaxis.

I examine the legacies of Soviet public health policy and the socialist health care system and trace how the Soviet past figures in contemporary Russian policymaking and debates about drug use, HIV, and abortion. Drug policies and mainstream views of HIV reflect continuities with key aspects of Soviet-era policies, although political leaders do not acknowledge these continuities in justifying their policies. In abortion policy, by contrast, which is highly debated in the public realm, advocates represent themselves as differing from Soviet-era policies to justify their positions. Yet abortion activists' views of the past differ tremendously, reminding us that the Soviet past is symbolically productive for arguments about Russia's present and future. I describe key aspects of the Soviet approach to health and compare how current drug policy (and the related management of HIV/AIDS) and abortion policies are discursively shaped in relation to the Soviet historical and cultural legacy.

Using archival records of the Commissariat of Public Health, journals, and propaganda materials from the antismoking campaign of the Soviet 1920s, this article argues that the revolutionary state pursued an antitobacco policy unique in the world in its attack on tobacco use at a national scale. The commissar of public health, Nikolai Alexandrovich Semashko, attempted to severely curtail tobacco cultivation and production, limit tobacco sales, and create a public opinion against tobacco with a propaganda campaign. Even in failing in its farther-reaching goals, the policy proved one of the most forward in terms of antismoking propaganda and state-sponsored treatment regimens, with the distribution of antismoking posters, pamphlets, articles, plays, and films as well as the creation of special state-sponsored smoking-cessation programs that boasted high success rates.

In this article, I examine how African American soldiers and veterans experienced and shaped federally sponsored health care during and after World War I. Building on studies of the struggles of Black leaders and health care providers to win professional and public health advancement in the 1920s and 1930s, and of advocates to mobilize for health care rights in the mid-20th century, I focus primarily on the experiences and activism of patients in the interwar years. Private and government correspondence, congressional testimony, and reports from Black newspapers reveal that African American soldiers and veterans communicated directly with policymakers and bureaucrats regarding unequal treatment, assuming roles as "policy actors" who viewed health and medical care as "politics by other means." In the process, they drew attention to the paradoxes inherent in expanding government entitlements in the era of Jim Crow, and helped shape a veterans' health system that emerged in the 1920s and remained in place for the following century. They also laid the groundwork for the system's precedent-setting desegregation, referred to by advocates of the time as "a shining example to the rest of the country."

Surgeon General Thomas Parran Jr was once viewed as a path-breaking leader, but his legacy is now highly contested. Scholars of national health insurance have viewed Parran as an impediment to government-backed insurance, and revelations about his role in the Tuskegee Study and in the Public Health Service's experiments in Guatemala have cast a shadow over his career. Surgeon General from 1936 to 1948, Parran led the Public Health Service during the development of key features of the modern American health system and was involved in critical debates over the role of the national government in health. I argue that Parran is best understood not as an opponent of insurance but as the proponent of an approach to health policy that sought to link public health and individual medicine. A pragmatic bureaucrat, Parran believed that effective policymaking required compromise with the American Medical Association.

As President Jimmy Carter's advisor for health issues, Peter Bourne promoted a rational and comprehensive drug strategy that combined new supply-side efforts to prevent drug use with previously established demand-side addiction treatment programs. Using a public health ethic that allowed the impact of substances on overall population health to guide drug control, Bourne advocated for marijuana decriminalization as well as increased regulations for barbiturates. A hostile political climate, a series of rumors, and pressure from both drug legalizers and prohibitionists caused Bourne to resign in disgrace in 1978. We argue that Bourne's critics used his own public health framework to challenge him, describe the health critiques that contributed to Bourne's resignation, and present the story of his departure as a cautionary tale for today's drug policy reformers.

The integration of public health practices with federal health care for American Indians and Alaska Natives (AI/ANs) largely derives from three major factors: the sovereign nature of AI/AN tribes, the sociocultural characteristics exhibited by the tribes, and that AI/ANs are distinct populations residing in defined geographic areas. The earliest services consisted of smallpox vaccination to a few AI/AN groups, a purely public health endeavor. Later, emphasis on public health was codified in the Snyder Act of 1921, which provided for, among other things, conservation of the health of AI/AN persons. Attention to the community was greatly expanded with the 1955 transfer of the Indian Health Service from the US Department of the Interior to the Public Health Service and has continued with the assumption of program operations by many tribes themselves. We trace developments in integration of community and public health practices in the provision of federal health care services for AI/AN persons and discuss recent trends.

The United States has a trust responsibility to provide services to American Indians and Alaska Native (AI/AN) persons. However, a long-standing history of underfunding of the Indian Health Service (IHS) has led to significant challenges in providing services. Twentieth century laws, including the Snyder Act, Transfer Act, Indian Self-Determination and Education Assistance Act, and Indian Health Care Improvement Act (IHCIA) have had an effect on the way health services are provided. IHCIA was reauthorized as part of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA). Several provisions in ACA allow for potential improvements in access to services for AI/AN populations and are described herein. Although policy developments have been promising, IHS underfunding must be resolved to ensure improved AI/AN health.

For decades, public health advocates have confronted industry over dietary policy, their debates focusing on how to address evidentiary uncertainty. In 1977, enough consensus existed among epidemiologists that the Senate Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Need used the diet-heart association to perform an extraordinary act: advocate dietary goals for a healthier diet. During its hearings, the meat industry tested that consensus. In one year, the committee produced two editions of its Dietary Goals for the United States, the second containing a conciliatory statement about coronary heart disease and meat consumption. Critics have characterized the revision as a surrender to special interests. But the senators faced issues for which they were professionally unprepared: conflicts within science over the interpretation of data and notions of proof. Ultimately, it was lack of scientific consensus on these factors, not simply political acquiescence, that allowed special interests to secure changes in the guidelines.

In 2004, the US Preventive Services Task Force called for an end to scoliosis screening in US public schools. However, screening endures, although most nations have ended their screening programs. Why? Explanations range from America's unique fee-for-service health care system and its encouragement of high-cost medical specialism to the nation's captivation with new surgeries and technologies. I highlight another, more historical, reason: the persistence of the belief that spinal curvature is a sign of a progressive disease or disability. Despite improved health and the mid-20th-century discovery of antibiotics and vaccines that all but eradicated the diseases historically associated with scoliosis (e.g., polio and tuberculosis), the health fears associated with spinal curvature never fully dissipated. Scoliosis is still seen as a "dangerous curve," although the exact nature of the health risk remains unclear.

I criticize the concern over the politicization of public health policy as a justification for preferring a narrow to a broad model of public health. My critique proceeds along 2 lines. First, the fact that administrative structures and actors are primary sources of public health policy demonstrates its inescapably political and politicized nature. Second, historical evidence shows that public health in Great Britain and the United States has from its very inception been political and politicized. I conclude by noting legitimate ethical concerns regarding the political nature of public health policy and argue that open deliberation in a democratic social order is best served by acknowledging the constraints of the inescapably politicized process of public health policymaking.

Soon after its founding in the politically tumultuous late 1960s, the Health Policy Advisory Center (Health/PAC) and its Health/PAC Bulletin became the strategic hub of an intense urban social movement around health care equality in New York City. I discuss its early formation, its intellectual influences, and the analytical framework that it devised to interpret power relations in municipal health care. I also describe Health/PAC's interpretation of health activism, focusing in particular on a protracted struggle regarding Lincoln Hospital in the South Bronx. Over the years, the organization's stance toward community-oriented health politics evolved considerably, from enthusiastically promoting its potential to later confronting its limits. I conclude with a discussion of Health/PAC's major theoretical contributions, often taken for granted today, and its book American Health Empire.

Contemporary health care reformers, like those who promoted the failed Clinton era plan, face opposition from multiple corporate interests. However, scant literature has examined how relationships between corporations and other stakeholders, such as think tanks and advocacy groups, shape health care reform debate. We show how the 2 biggest US tobacco companies, Philip Morris and RJ Reynolds, and their trade association coordinated in mobilizing ideologically diverse constituencies to help defeat the Clinton plan. Unwittingly perhaps, some reform supporters advanced the tobacco industry's public relations blitz, contributing to perceptions of public opposition to the plan. As the current reform debate unfolds, this case highlights the importance of funding transparency for interpreting the activities of think tanks, advocacy groups, and "grassroots" movements.

We trace the shifting definitions of the American public health profession's mission as a social reform and science-based endeavor. Its authority coalesced in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as public health identified itself with housing, sanitation, and labor reform efforts. The field ceded that authority to medicine and other professions as it jettisoned its social mission in favor of a science-based identity. Understanding the potential for achieving progressive social change as it moves forward will require careful consideration of the industrial, structural, and intellectual forces that oppose radical reform and the identification of constituencies with which professionals can align to bring science to bear on the most pressing challenges of the day.

The Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 (OSHAct) declared that every worker is entitled to safe and healthful working conditions, and that employers are responsible for work being free from all recognized hazards. Thirty-eight years after these assurances, however, it is difficult to find anyone who believes the promise of the OSHAct has been met. The persistence of preventable, life-threatening hazards at work is a failure to keep a national promise. I review the history of the Occupational Safety and Health Administration and propose measures to better ensure that those who go to work every day return home safe and sound. These measures fall into 6 areas: leverage and accountability, safety and health systems, employee rights, equal protection, framing, and infrastructure.

Public health in Brazil achieved remarkable development at the turn of the 20th century thanks in part to physicians and social thinkers who made it central to their proposals for "modernizing" the country. Public health was more than a set of medical and technical measures; it was fundamental to the project of nation building. I trace the interplay between public health and social ideas in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Physicians and social thinkers challenged the traditional belief that Brazil's sociocultural and ethnic diversity was an obstacle to modernization, and they promoted public health as the best prescription for national unity. Public health ideas in developing countries such as Brazil may have a greater impact when they are intertwined with social thought and with the processes of nation building and construction of a modern society.

Disparities in health status between American Indians and other groups in the United States have persisted throughout the 500 years since Europeans arrived in the Americas. Colonists, traders, missionaries, soldiers, physicians, and government officials have struggled to explain these disparities, invoking a wide range of possible causes. American Indians joined these debates, often suggesting different explanations. Europeans and Americans also struggled to respond to the disparities, sometimes working to relieve them, sometimes taking advantage of the ill health of American Indians. Economic and political interests have always affected both explanations of health disparities and responses to them, influencing which explanations were emphasized and which interventions were pursued. Tensions also appear in ongoing debates about the contributions of genetic and socioeconomic forces to the pervasive health disparities. Understanding how these economic and political forces have operated historically can explain both the persistence of the health disparities and the controversies that surround them.

In 1975, New York City experienced a fiscal crisis rooted in long-term political and economic changes in the city. Budget and policy decisions designed to alleviate this fiscal crisis contributed to the subsequent epidemics of tuberculosis, human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection, and homicide in New York City. Because these conditions share underlying social determinants, we consider them a syndemic, i.e., all 3 combined to create an excess disease burden on the population. Cuts in services; the dismantling of health, public safety, and social service infrastructures; and the deterioration of living conditions for vulnerable populations contributed to the amplification of these health conditions over 2 decades. We estimate that the costs incurred in controlling these epidemics exceeded 50 billion US dollars (in 2004 dollars); in contrast, the overall budgetary saving during the fiscal crisis was 10 billion US dollars. This history has implications for public health professionals who must respond to current perceptions of local fiscal crises.

Public health officials contributed to the early 20th-century campaign against Mexicans and Filipinos in Los Angeles. In 1914, the newly established city and county health departments confronted the overwhelming task of building a public health infrastructure for a rapidly growing population spread over a large area. However, for several years public health reports focused almost exclusively on the various infectious diseases associated with Mexican immigrants. Although the segregation of Mexicans was illegal in California until 1935, county officials established separate clinics for Whites and Mexicans during the 1920s. With assistance from state officials, local health authorities participated actively in efforts to restrict Mexican immigration throughout the 1920s and to expel both Mexicans and Filipinos during the 1930s.

The racial politics of immigration have punctuated national discussions about immigration at different periods in US history, particularly when concerns about losing an American way of life or American population have coincided with concerns about infectious diseases. Nevertheless, the main theme running through American immigration policy is one of inclusion. The United States has historically been a nation reliant on immigrant labor and, accordingly, the most consequential public policies regarding immigration have responded to disease and its economic burdens by seeking to control the behavior of immigrants within our borders rather than excluding immigrants at our borders.

Community-oriented primary care (COPC) originated in South Africa during the 1940s and 1950s, where it served to inform local church-based and nongovernmental organization-based initiatives during the apartheid years. During the 1990s, COPC played an inspirational role in the process of national health policy formulation. Yet COPC's contribution to current health practice remains more symbolic than substantive. Despite a policy framework that favors the widespread introduction of COPC, various political, structural, managerial, and human resource obstacles constrain its effective implementation. Notwithstanding a rapidly changing health care environment and well-established health transition from infections and nutritional disorders to non-communicable diseases and injury, COPC and its variants remain abidingly relevant to South Africa's-and Africa's-health care reality.

Law has been an essential tool of public health practice for centuries. From the 19th century until recent decades, however, most histories of public health described, approvingly, the progression of the field from marginally useful policy, made by persons learned in law, to effective policy, made by persons employing the methods of biomedical and behavioral science. Historians have recently begun to change this standard account by documenting the centrality of law in the development of public health practice. The revised history of public health offers additional justification for the program of public health law reform proposed in this issue of the Journal by Gostin and by Moulton and Matthews, who describe the new program in public health law of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Objectives: This paper describes how Ireland created a level playing field for competition in health insurance, the strategies of a major insurer to introduce risk-rated policies that would segment the market, the successful campaign to block these policies, and the policy implications of the European Union requirement of competition in health insurance., Methods: Policy documents, interviews, and press reports were analyzed., Results: The minister of health forced the commercial insurer to withdraw its policies and replace them with community-rated policies., Conclusions: Because it is easier and more profitable for insurers to engage in risk selection than to become more efficient, beneficial competition in health insurance markets is extremely difficult to create. Carefully drawn rules and monitoring are required to overcome inherent causes of market failure. The current enthusiasm for saving money through competitive schemes in health insurance seems likely to produce higher costs and greater inequality.

The onset of the Cold War had a blighting effect on the campaign for a national health insurance program in the United States. In the highly charged atmosphere of the late 1940s, proponents of social insurance spent considerable time and energy denying that they were agents of foreign powers. In one widely promoted conspiratorial formulation, some on the right traced the origins of subversion not only to Moscow but also to Geneva, Switzerland, home of the International Labor Organization. In the fractiously partisan context of the period, conservative political leaders amplified concerns over disloyal bureaucrats' manipulating the levers of legislative politics as well as the design of health policy. One federal official in particular, I. S. Falk, became the object of outright demonization. The paranoid attacks took their toll on the drive to extend social protection. The reformers' difficulties suggest the limitations of heavy dependence on bureaucratic expertise in the pursuit of health security.

This paper traces the development of the US federal government's program to provide personal and public health services to American Indians and Alaska Natives since the 1940s. Minimal services had been provided since the mid 19th century through the Bureau of Indian Affairs of the Department of the Interior. As a result of attempts by western congressmen to weaken and destroy the bureau during the 1940s, responsibility for health services was placed with the US Public Health Service. The transfer thus created the only US national health program for civilians, providing virtually the full range of personal and public health services to a defined population at relatively low cost. Policy changes since the 1970s have led to an emphasis on self-determination that did not exist during the 1950s and 1960s. Programs administered by tribal governments tend to be more expensive than those provided by the Indian Health Service, but appropriations have not risen to meet the rising costs, nor are the appropriated funds distributed equitably among Indian Health Service regions. The result is likely to be an unequal deterioration in accessibility and quality of care.

During the 1920s and 1930s, a number of physicians created model premature infant stations in select hospitals, arguing that medicine could successfully treat premature infants, most of whom could be expected to live normal lives. Most hospitals and doctors, however, remained indifferent to the special medical needs of premature infants. Subsequently, public health officials, beginning in Chicago, took up the cause of the medical management of newborn premature infants, defining the problem and finding the resources for a community-wide solution. The latter included multiple, high-quality premature nurseries, infant transport, regionalization, and public financing. The "Chicago model" was adapted by many state and municipal departments of health, particularly after World War II, to create community-based programs, the largest of which was in New York City. As premature infant care became of greater interest to pediatricians and hospitals, in part because of the success achieved by public health officials, the earlier, prominent role of the latter was increasingly diminished and historically forgotten.

The US Public Health Service began the medical examination of immigrants at US ports in 1891. By 1924, national origin had become a means to justify broad-based exclusion of immigrants after Congress passed legislation restricting immigration from southern and eastern European countries. This legislation was passed based on the alleged genetic inferiority of southern and eastern Europeans. Since 1987, the United States has prohibited the entrance of immigrants infected with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV). On the surface, a policy of excluding individuals with an inevitably fatal "communicable disease of public health significance" rests solidly in the tradition of protecting public health. But excluding immigrants with HIV is also a policy that, in practice, resembles the 1924 tradition of selective racial restriction of immigrants from "dangerous nations." Since the early 1980s, the United States has erected barriers against immigrants from particular Caribbean and African nations, whose citizens were thought to pose a threat of infecting the US blood supply with HIV.

During the past 5 years, the exchange of sterile needles and syringes for dirty injecting equipment has gained increasing acceptance outside the United States as a potential means of reducing the transmission of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) among intravenous drug users. This article describes the controversy over attempts to establish a needle and syringe exchange scheme in New York City between 1985 and 1991. The response to a health crisis is used as an indicator of patterns of social and institutional practice. Advocates of needle exchanges had reached a stalemate with the promoters of law enforcement, and the strategic reformulation of the policy problem in terms of the research process seemed to offer a solution. The article discusses the practical limitations on designing and carrying out a controversial health promotion policy; the use (under constraint) of a restrictive research process to constitute--rather than simply to guide or monitor--public policy; and the potential ethical hazards of health professionals' seeking a polemical recourse to the clinical trial. The efforts to establish a needle exchange in New York thus illustrate more general problems for AIDS prevention.

This study examines the early efforts of the United Mine Workers of America to illuminate the problem of occupational respiratory diseases in the coal fields. The union used the hearings of the US Anthracite Coal Strike Commission of 1902-3 to draw public attention to "miners' asthma." In 1915, it began to agitate for the provision of workers' compensation benefits for victims of this disorder. Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, the union's Welfare and Retirement Fund disseminated information on advances in understanding chronic pulmonary diseases of mining. In particular, the miners' fund promoted the British conceptualization of a distinctive coal workers' pneumoconiosis. At the same time, the staff of the union health plan pressed the US Public Health Service and the Pennsylvania Department of Health to investigate the prevalence of occupational respiratory diseases among bituminous miners. Taken together, these endeavors contributed significantly to growing recognition of the severity and extent of this important public health problem and thus helped lay the foundation for the Federal Coal Mine Health and Safety Act of 1969.