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Recent work on the fluidity of race and shifting racial classifications and identities in the United States has cast significant doubt on the subjective and cultural adequacy of fixed categorization schemes. This paper uses data from a unique survey-based experiment in which respondents were asked to type in their own racial identifications in an open-ended field which we are able to compare with fixed, pre-defined racial categories assigned at an earlier time. The results of this experiment show that most people know and understand the common "fixed choice" categories of Black/White/Hispanic and we find that a majority of respondents sort themselves into these standard categories without any direct prompting to do so. Within these standard, self-reported racial categories, there are dominant racial identifications (e.g., White, Black, Hispanic) and less dominant alternatives (e.g., Caucasian, African-American, Latino/a). For people using one of these common racial categories, we find that there are important differences between subgroups based on how they specifically respond to the open-ended race question (e.g. "white" vs. "Caucasian"). The respondents who chose to provide more complex racial and ethnic identities when allowed to self-identify on the survey varies greatly by racial group. Additionally, a small but very interesting set of respondents (just under 5%) either leave the answer blank or deny that racial classifications mattered. These findings add to the growing body of literature demonstrating the fluidity of race and raise important questions about the nature, meaning, and purpose of standard racial classifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attitudes about racial inequality in the United States are often viewed through the lenses of discrimination and disadvantage. However, as whiteness studies suggest, systems of racial inequality produce both disadvantage and advantage. For the past several decades, national surveys have documented explanations for African American disadvantage but have not collected data on explanations for white advantage. African American disadvantage and white advantage are two sides of the same coin - racial inequality. To understand attitudes about racial inequality, we need to know Americans' beliefs about both the costs and benefits of the racialized system. This research uses national survey data to explore Americans' understanding of racial inequality. The data come from the American Mosaic Project Survey, a nationally representative, telephone survey (N=2,081). An experimental, split-ballot design was used where half of the respondents were asked about explanations for African American disadvantage while the other half were asked about explanations for white advantage. The split-ballot design provides an opportunity to compare explanations for racial disadvantage and racial advantage. Do Americans' believe the same factors are important in explaining both sides of racial inequality? What factors are believed to be most important when Americans' are asked to explain why white Americans, on average, have better jobs, income, and housing than others? What social and demographic factors correlate with beliefs about white advantage? This research can answer these questions and provide a valuable contribution to both whiteness studies and race relations research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses data from a recent nationally-representative survey (2003, N=2081) to offer an empirical assessment of core tenets of one of the most significant innovations in ethnic and racial studies in the last decade-namely, critical whiteness theory. Using survey items developed explicitly for this purpose, we analyze three specific propositions: the salience of white identity; awareness of white privilege; and adherence to colorblind ideologies, meritocratic individualism. Consistent with whiteness theory, we find that whites are less aware of white privilege than other racial groups and do adhere to colorblind, individualist ideologies. However, we also find that white respondents are both more connected to their own identities and more aware of the advantages of their whiteness than theoretical discussions suggest. Additionally, we find that all Americans, not just whites, believe strongly in colorblind ideologies. We use these findings to support whiteness theory as well as suggest refinements to it. At the same time, we emphasize the importance of building the insights of whiteness theory into an empirical research agenda, particularly the social context within which whiteness is most socially powerful. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Survey research on racial attitudes has played a key role in the study of race in America for the past several decades. However, recent work within whiteness studies has suggested that survey research may be limited in its ability to explore and understand the complexities of the racialized system that exists today. I believe that survey research can still be a useful tool by incorporating ideas from whiteness, specifically white privilege. Whiteness studies have addressed questions of white privilege, but these studies are lacking in strong, empirical evidence on a national level. The American Mosaic Project, a nationally representative telephone survey, provides new data and insights into white privilege. New survey questions were asked about whites and racial advantage, along with traditional questions about minorities and racial disadvantage. Preliminary results from this study show that a surprising number of Americans are aware of white privilege. A majority of Americans believe that whites have distinct advantages in our society. Results also show that there are significant differences in the levels of awareness of whiteness between whites, blacks, and Hispanics. These findings show that survey research can be used within a whiteness framework and provide important quantitative, empirical evidence for whiteness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A central idea in whiteness studies is the invisibility of whiteness. However, recent research has provided new insights into the nature of whiteness, questioning its widespread invisibility. A significant number of Americans, including whites, see ways in which being white provides advantages. This is not to say that whiteness has lost its power. Rather, the nature and power of whiteness has shifted over the past twenty years. This paper begins by providing a brief overview of central ideas from whiteness studies and then provides results from recent research that empirically tests these ideas. Following this, additional analyses are conducted to further explore whiteness today. These additional analyses show that a majority of Americans believe both Individual and Structural explanations are important in explaining white advantage. It is not that whites are unaware of white privilege and therefore allow it to continue. Rather, whites are aware of ways in which they receive advantages in our society and simultaneously believe that individualistic efforts play an important role in explaining white advantage. Colorblind ideologies help to maintain this position. The power of whiteness today may be its ability to generate privilege while simultaneously rationalizing and justifying visible racial privilege in a post-racial, colorblind society. This paper places recent empirical findings about whiteness in historical context to show how whiteness continues to transform and evolve, yet still wields significant power in maintaining and reproducing the racial hierarchy in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]