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Globalization is characterized by increasing flows of capital and labor across the boundaries of nation-states. This study assesses the role of foreign investment in the primary and secondary sectors on the level of international emigration from less-developed countries. Contemporary theoretical explanations of international migration are reviewed, and a theory of the relationship between foreign investment and international migration is posited. We use random-effects regression models that control for unobserved heterogeneity to analyze an unbalanced cross-national panel data set of 59 cases between 1975 and 2000, and control for other relevant variables. The central findings are that foreign investment in the primary sector increases the level of net emigration over a ten-year period, while foreign investment in the secondary sector has no consistent effect. The implications of the findings are discussed in the context of contemporary migration policies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to connect the macro-level processes of the global economy to the local processes of civil society. More specifically, we explore the impact of certain dimensions of "globalization" on two aspects of civil society; corruption and civil unrest. We begin with a theoretical discussion of the mechanisms by which these global and local processes are linked. Next, a series of quantitative cross-national analyses are presented that find both beneficial and deleterious effects of these global processes on civil society. We close with case studies of two countries, Argentina and Thailand, which give substance to these cross-national findings. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a relatively short-lived era of "peace bonus," global military expenditures once again have escalated sharply despite some worldwide declines in military personnel. Fears of the return of a permanent war economy raise related concerns over the impacts of military spending on a range of domestic consequences, especially economic growth. Theorizations on the economic impacts of military spending greatly differ and include arguments that it either improves domestic economic performance or crowds out growth inducing processes. Empirical findings on this matter are inconclusive. Our research explores a new dimension of military spending that may help to clarify this issue— military expenditures per soldier (MEPS). This variable captures the capital intensiveness of a country's military organization. In a series of cross-national panel regression analyses of 71 countries from 1990 to 1997, authors find that military expenditures per soldier inhibit the growth of per capita GNP, net of control variables. These effects are most pronounced in the least developed countries. Subsequent analyses indicate that MEPS inhibits national development by slowing the expansion of the labor force. We argue that a relatively capital-intensive military organization limits the entry opportunities for unskilled and under- or unemployed people for whom a more labor intensive military had previously provided a pathway for upward mobility. It may also reduce the investment capital available for more economically productive opportunities than that generated by investments in military hardware. This is especially evident in the least developed countries, which may not benefit at all from the economic spin-offs of investment in military technology and production. Finally, we consider avenues for further research on the longer term effects of these processes on social welfare, income inequality and social integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research moves the world?s great cities to the center of contemporary debates about globalization. We use a social network approach, viewing cities as important nodes in a worldwide web of exchanges. Our central questions include: Which cities are more central in the network of world cities? Which are peripheral? Is the network of cities growing more tightly integrated over recent time? Do cities? roles in the global network reflect those of the nations in which they are located, or are they becoming independent of national trajectories? Finally, how is social life within cities influenced by their role in the global network? The research will use formal network techniques to analyze data on flows of airline passengers and air cargo between all pairs of some 150-200 cities, comparing patterns in 1990 to those in 2000. The study will evaluate untested theoretical claims about the social consequences of global positioning of cities on social structural change within them. It will contribute to scholarly as well as popular debates about globalization. At the same time, it will begin to build a world city network database that will be available to other scholars. We also hope to contribute to a number of important public policies debates, as well. The data and results should be relevant to discussions of and nation-based strategies for global economic competitiveness, the role for ?the state? in promoting development, possible trade offs between growth and polarization/ inequality, and long-term challenges presented by emergent patterns and processes of globalization at the beginning of the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of hegemony, or global dominance, has been debated for decades among scholars and across academic disciplines. There is little agreement as to the meaning of this term, and few efforts to quantify it. This research attempts to accomplish both. I argue two basic points. First, that global hegemony is comprised of two essential components, economic power and coercive (military) power. Second, I argue that coercive power is best understood as a characteristic of nation-states, while economic power is a function of transnational corporations. I follow this theoretical discussion with a quantification of these concepts from 1970 to 2000, identifying both a taxonomy and a hierarchy of nation-state power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research evaluates the empirical evidence of an emerging transnational corporate community over the past twenty-five years. In a study of the Fortune Global 500 between 1983 and 1998, we find a dramatic increase in the number of transnational interlocking directorates. We also find that these global firms are more likely to form networks with other large transnational companies irrespective of geographical location, rather than forming domestically based networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The topic of military expenditures has reemerged over the past few years as an area of study in the sociological literature. Recent studies have focused on the impact of military expenditures on economic development, inequality, and health. However, little attention has been paid to the underlying social, political, and military dynamics that drive these expenditures. This paper explores these dynamics, with special focus on the determinants of high tech, capital-intensive expenditures that have escalated worldwide over the past thirty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Military expenditures have escalated over the last three decades in both developed and less developed countries, without a corresponding expansion of military personnel. Spending has instead been directed towards hi-tech weaponry, what we refer to as the "new" military. We hypothesize that this new, increasingly capital-intensive military is no longer a pathway of upward mobility or employer of last resort for many uneducated, unskilled, or unemployed people, with significant consequences for those individuals and society as a whole. One such consequence, we argue, is an increase in income inequality. We test this hypothesis with cross-national panel models, estimated for eighty-three developed and less developed countries from 1970 to 2000. Findings indicate that military capital-intensiveness, as measured by military expenditures per soldier, exacerbates income inequality net of control variables. Neither total military expenditures/GDP nor military participation has a significant effect. It appears from these findings that today's "new" military establishment is abrogating its historical role as an equalizing force in society, with important policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Measures of position in the world-economy are central to research in international political economy. Scholars in many disciplines have created measures that rank nations within a global hierarchy. Most of these measures incorporate only economic variables, such as total or per capita gross national product. Following Charles Tilly's (1994) theorization on the origins of the modern nation-state, we develop a measure of position in the world economy that includes both economic and coercive power. We provide separate rankings for each power dimension, and then combine them for an overall measure of position from 1960 to 2000, at five year intervals. These new rankings provide important insights into the global power structure and nation-state mobility over this period. Additionally this measure establishes new avenues for research and inquiry in sociology, international relations, and international political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has studied the effect of foreign investment on economic development in terms of the dollar value of these investments. This paper explores the impact of foreign investment on development from an organizational perspective, by examining the role of foreign subsidiaries in the economic growth of less developed countries between 1970 and 2000. Two aspects of foreign subsidiaries are considered. The first is the total number of foreign subsidiaries located in a given country. The second dimension is "foreign subsidiary concentration", the percentage of foreign subsidiaries located in a given country owned by corporations headquartered in a single country. Several findings emerge from structural equation models of 41 to 70 less developed countries between 1970 and 2000. First, overall growth of foreign subsidiaries between 1970 and 200 has a positive effect on economic growth in less developed countries. Second, relatively high levels of foreign subsidiary concentration in 1970 inhibit this expansion of foreign subsidiaries. Two other aspects of foreign investment, foreign investment concentration and foreign capital dominance, also retard the expansion of foreign subsidiaries. Further analyses suggest that political corruption may, in part, mediate these relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the extent to which transnational news media corporations are embedded within a larger - global - corporate network, in terms of interlocking directorates, and how this embeddedness has changed over time. We then consider the implications of these connections on the production and distribution of news. We include the world's 25 largest news media corporations and the linkages they have with the world's 500 largest corporations in 1983 and 1998, as listed by Fortune magazine and other data sources. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research identifies a previously unmeasured organizational aspect of globalization and examines its impact on economic development. I refer to this new variable as "foreign subsidiary concentration", which is defined as the highest percentage of foreign subsidiaries in a host country whose corporate headquarters are geographically located in the same country of origin. I include only foreign subsidiaries of the world's 100 largest industrial firms. In a cross-national panel regression analysis of 60 countries between 1980 and 1998, I find that foreign subsidiary concentration retards the growth of GNP per capita, net of control variables. I argue that foreign subsidiary concentration inhibits the host state's ability to formulate and implement economic policies in its own interests, for at least two reasons. First, a relatively large number of foreign subsidiaries from a single country has a greater likelihood of eliciting the headquarter country's intervention in the host country's internal economy policies on their behalf. Second, high foreign subsidiary concentration is likely to result in the emergence of a local elite with common interests that are more closely allied with those of the foreign subsidiaries than to those of the host country. These local elites also intervene to influence economic policies on behalf of these foreign firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines sectoral differences in the centrality of transnational corporations between 1983 and 1998, as indicated by networks of global interlocking directorates. Fortune Global 500 firms are first classified by economic activity. We then identify the interlocking directorates both within and across sectors to determine what type of company is most central at these two periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]