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The role of elections in the Federal Republic of Germany to the processes in the European Union and the surrounding countries has gained in importance in previous election cycles. The elections in 2021 are just a continuation of the growing influence on the processes related to European integration, and even the political processes in the Western Balkans. Political elites from the countries of the Western Balkans always have their own expectations from the elections in Germany, but also from the consequences of those elections, primarily in terms of the composition of the German government. The subject of research in this paper are the perceptions of political elites in the Western Balkans about the future attitudes of German parties and the new government towards Western Balkans and the source of these perceptions, which I basically find in election manifestos (election programs) of political parties. The analysis is based on election manifestos and the perception that the parties’ views on the Western Balkans have produced among political elites. These attitudes resulted in the initiation of certain unresolved issues in the Western Balkans, both during the election campaign and during the process of forming the government. Current issues that have implications for elections in Germany are primarily the rule of law and democracy in the Western Balkans, relations in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the High Representative, the Brussels Dialogue, and major projects such as the Open Balkans., Uloga izbora u Saveznoj Republici Nemačkoj na procese u Evropskoj uniji i zemljama u okruženju dobija na značaju u prethodnim izbornim ciklusima. Izbori 2021. samo su nastavak rasta uticaja na procese koji se tiču evropskih intregracija, pa i političkih procesa na Zapadnom Balkanu. Političke elite iz zemalja Zapadnog Balkana uvek imaju svoja očekivanja od izbora u Nemačkoj, ali i od posledica tih izbora pre svega u pogledu sastava nemačke vlade. Predmet istraživanja u ovom radu jesu percepcije političkih elita na Zapadnom Balkanu o budućem odnosu nemačkih partija i nove vlade i izvor tih percepcija koji bazično nalazim u izbornim manifestima (izbornim programima) političkih partija. Analiza se zasniva na izbornim manifestima i percepciji koju su stavovi partija o Zapadnom Balkanu proizveli kod političkih elita. Navedeni stavovi su i u toku izborne kampanje i toku procesa formiranja vlade rezultirali pokretanju pojedinih nerešenih pitanja na Zapadnom Balkanu. Aktuelna pitanja koja imaju implikacije izbora u Nemačkoj su prvenstveno pitanje vladavine prava i demokratije na Zapadnom Balkanu, odnosi u Bosni i Hercegovini i pitanje Visokog predstavnika, pitanje Briselskog dijaloga, kao i pitanja velikih projekata kao što je Otvoreni Balkan.

Cilj istraživanja bio je da se ispita latentna struktura evaluacija političkih stranaka za vreme izbora 2022. godine u Srbiji, kao i da se testira skup socio-demografskih (pol, starost, obrazovanje, životni standard), dispozicionih (politički stavovi, autoritarnost i religioznost) i kontekstualnih prediktora (informisanje posredstvom različitih televizija) ekstrahovanih dimenzija. U studiji sprovedenoj u nedelji uoči izbora na prigodnom uzorku od 636 punoletnih građana i građanki utvrđeno je da se simpatije prema strankama koje su učestvovale na parlamentarnim izborima organizuju u tri međusobno nezavisna faktora: 1) stranke režima (SNS, SPS, SRS), 2) stranke građanske opozicije (PSG, SSP, NDBGD, NS, DS, Ekološki ustanak, SDS) i 3) stranke nacionalne opozicije (Dveri, Suverenisti, DSS, Zavetnici). Regresione analize pokazale su da se evaluacije tri navedena stranačka bloka najbolje mogu predviđati na osnovu praćenja različitih televizija. Simpatije prema strankama režima najbolje predviđa praćenje televizije PINK i nisko interesovanje za politiku. Simpatije prema strankama građanske opozicije jedine se mogu predviđati pomoću dispozicionih faktora (stavovi i autoritarnost), pored praćenja televizije N1. Prediktivna moć svih navedenih prediktora bila je slabija u modelovanju simpatija prema strankama nacionalne opozicije, gde samo mlađe životno doba i praćenje TV RTS objašnjavaju skroman procenat razlika u stranačkim evaluacijama. Rezultati pokazuju da stranački rascep u Srbiji nije ideološke prirode, kao i da je u značajnoj meri proizvod socijalnog uticaja posredovanog medijima., The goal of the research was to examine the latent structure of evaluations of political parties during the 2022 elections in Serbia, as well as to test a set of socio-demographic (gender, age, education, standard of living), dispositional (political attitudes, authoritarianism and religiosity) and contextual predictors (information through different televisions) of extracted dimensions. In a study conducted in the week before the elections on a random sample of 636 adult citizens, it was determined that sympathy for the parties that participated in the parliamentary elections is organized into three mutually independent factors: 1) parties of the regime (SNS, SPS, SRS), 2) civil opposition parties (PSG, SSP, NDBGD, NS, DS, Ekološki ustanak, SDS) and 3) national opposition parties (Dveri, Suverenisti, DSS, Zavetnici). Regression analyses showed that the evaluations of the three mentioned party blocs can best be predicted based on the monitoring of different television channels. Sympathy for the regime’s parties is best predicted by watching PINK TV and low interest in politics. Sympathies towards civil opposition parties can only be predicted using dispositional factors (attitudes and authoritarianism), in addition to watching N1 television. The predictive power of all the mentioned predictors was weaker in the modeling of sympathies towards the parties of the national opposition, where only younger age and watching TV RTS explain a modest percentage of differences in party evaluations. The results show that the party split in Serbia is not of an ideological nature, and that it is to a significant extent the product of social influence realized through media.