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This paper aims to analyze the asymmetric dilemma facing the Philippines and China in the South China Sea tensions. Among American East Asian allies, the Philippines seems to stand on the frontline between two rival powers, the United States and China. Since the US declared its Pivot to Asia policy, the Philippines' foreign policy towards China has become assertive and sometimes appears reckless with some military adventures against Chinese maritime patrols and naval ships, which also further forced China to take a tougher foreign policy against the Philippines. Considering the distinctive asymmetric indicators between China and the Philippines based on military forces, economic capacity, territorial size, and population, the aggressive policy behaviors that the Philippines and China have been displaying against each other cast an inquiry on what drives the two countries into head-to-head collision. While China as the larger power vis-à-vis the Philippines as the smaller power in the relationship has aimed for control and domination of their disputed territory, the Philippines' drastic defiance has also led to China's irritation and possible frustration. Furthermore, the US' renewed attention to Asia has caused shifts of asymmetric bilateral dilemma to triangular entanglement between the US-China-Philippines. It is vital therefore to pay attention to the asymmetric interaction of states and their varying views in order to find possible solutions to the SCS tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact of the 1991 Mt Pinatubo eruption on the US-Republic of the Philippines military relations through the lens of disaster diplomacy. Disaster diplomacy focuses on how and why disaster-related activities (e.g. mitigation, prevention and response) do and do not yield diplomatic gains, looking mainly at disaster-related activities affecting diplomacy rather than the reverse. Disaster diplomacy 'pathways', identified in previous studies, help to explain how the Filipino and US governments approached the negotiations for renewing the lease of the US military facilities in the Philippines in the context of two bases being damaged by a volcanic eruption. The paper further addresses six underpinning questions of disaster diplomacy for this case study. These questions assist in answering this paper's central research question: how much did the 1991 eruption of Mt Pinatubo influence US-Philippines military cooperation due to the concurrent diplomatic talks between the two governments regarding the lease renewal for the US bases in the Philippines? The answer is that disaster-related activities due to the Mt Pinatubo eruption had a short-term impact on US-Philippines diplomacy. This impact was seen in the context of significant connections already existing, through the long-standing US-Philippines military links. Over the long-term, non-disaster factors had a more significant impact on US-Philippines military diplomacy than Mt Pinatubo, adding to the list of case studies for which disaster diplomacy's impact was limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The papers in this special issue are the products of a conference, 'History and China's Foreign Relations: The Achievements and Contradictions of American Scholarship, ' held at the University of Southern California in February 2008. All of us, professors, policy advisors and policy-makers, think it would be helpful if there was more informed discussion among the general public of the challenges of China's rise in the world and our responses to it, but we all acknowledge that the American public sphere is a big mess, fragmented by the apparent riches of the Internet, dumbed down to the vanishing point in the major media. Can we as scholars make some beginnings in drawing on China's long and complex history of relations with other peoples to find generalizations and patterns that help to illuminate the present for the policy elite and for the concerned public? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Philippines and the United States maintain close ties that are grounded in a Mutual Defense Treaty signed in 1951. Security cooperation has been a hallmark despite evolving dynamics in the bilateral relationship, including a US colonial legacy that continues to cast a long shadow for many Filipinos. While contentious politics and domestic limitations present a potential constraint on the upward trajectory of the alliance relationship, there are indications that this expanded engagement can continue beyond the Aquino administration. The paper examines the condition of Philippine forces under President Aquino, the International Peace and Security Plan to pursue a credible external defense capability, the process of security sector reform, and matters pursuing a strong Philippine-US alliance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's insights regarding the relation between the U.S. and East Asia and the history of the journal "The Journal of American-East Asian Relations." It provides a brief historical overview on how the journal was established, in which it mentions that the American Historical Association has established a Committee on American-East Asian Relations to cover the issues in Asia during the 1960s. It states that Ernest R. May from Harvard University has led the committee of the "American-East Asian Relations" as chairman during the 1960s, followed by Kira Iriye and James C. Thomson, Jr. Furthermore, it says the first issue of the journal was published in the spring of 1992 under founding editor Michael A. Barnhart.

The history of Cuba is one of conquest and rebellion. Since the arrival of Columbus, it has had two colonial masters: Spain and the United States. Spain, after the collapse of its empire, ceased to be a threat to the peoples of America. Now, the Spanish are among the principal investors in Cuba, and make up a high percentage of tourists to the island. The United States, engaged in empire-building as sole superpower and continuing to pursue a half-century-old policy of regime change in Cuba, is still seen by the Cubans as the greatest threat to their independence and sovereignty. This article reviews the history of relations between the two countries, seeking to contextualize their social origins and political evolution, concluding that an improvement in relations is unlikely absent a profound change in the political economy of either country, or of both, a change that could occur internally or be caused by external factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on global governance with reference to the relationship between the United States and the European Union. Washington's policies have raised hackles in Europe over, inter alia, the Kyoto protocol on climate change, the landmine treaty, the approach to child-soldiers, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, the death penalty, biological weapons, global efforts to curb illicit sales of small arms and light weapons and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty among others. After the fall of the Taliban, however, U.S. President George W. Bush declared a worldwide war on terrorism. The war on Iraq began in March 2003 without a United Nations mandate and was a heavy blow to global governance and the principles of international law.

A century after the birth of a father of peacekeeping, Ralph Bunche, UN peace operations have changed dramatically. The narrowly defined, lightly armed, strictly neutral operations of Bunche's day have become complex, multidisciplinary state-building operations. Then, peace-keeping buttressed essentially self-enforcing cease-fires; now, it aims to build the foundations of a self-renewing peace. These changes reflect six deeper shifts: the end of the Cold War; engagement with "internal" conflicts; rising regional organizations; North-South politics; the U.S.-UN relationship; and changes in peace operation mandates. These shifts create three future challenges: state building; the reconception of sovereignty; and the need for realism. The December 2004 High-Level Panel report proposes modest steps toward meeting those challenges, but the burden of realizing the proposed framework rests squarely with UN member states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations World Trade Organization (WTO) has become one of the most controversial international institutions, as evidenced by the massive protests in Seattle in November 1999. For instance, questions about an international environmental regime's effectiveness are not directed to the formal language of a treaty, but rather to whether or not it does anything useful for the environment. On the other hand, if they find that the WTO is more likely to resolve their disputes in their favor, if the U.S. government is more reluctant to receive their complaints under Section 301, or if they find that the WTO disputes are cheaper than using Section 301, they will increasingly route their complaints through their governments to the WTO.

Examines the impact of the transportation of Caspian oil on regional security and stability. Factors that will allegedly change the overall environment of the region and affect regional stability; Overview of the political situation in the South Caucasus region; Main trends of U.S. involvement in the region.

The quality and depth of the broad public debate in the United States before Washington loosed its military might on Iraq suggests that the internalization of international norms in American political life is remarkably thin. Moreover, as the public discussion concentrated on tactics, it gave the impression that a mere majority vote in the Security Council would be able substantially to affect the announced U.S. strategy in Iraq. The complaint that the U.S. government brought to the Security Council received searching consideration in a forum designed to accommodate differing views and opportunities for persuasion, and it resulted in a renewed warning to Iraq and intrusive inspections.

Focuses on the reassessment of the regional politics and international relations in the Caucasus and Central Asia, following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the U.S. Levels of analyzing the impact of the terrorist attacks; Characterization of the attitude of citizens toward the international community; Republics in south Caucus that will be affected by the changes in the U.S. foreign relations with Iran and Russia.