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This paper provides a comprehensive overview of the literature concerning a crucial link that unites mainland China, Hong Kong and overseas Chinese communities. The Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, a charitable organisation based in Hong Kong, played a key role in the facilitation of the repatriation of the remains of individuals of Chinese descent living abroad. This paper places special emphasis on the value of archival records released by the Tung Wah Group of Hospitals. It proposes the pursuit of interdisciplinary research and underscores the necessity for comprehensive investigations that encompass publications in different languages. To enhance our understanding of the repatriation of deceased overseas Chinese individuals, there is a resounding need for expanded initiatives to collect and preserve primary historical sources. Comparative studies on burial practices across different regions are also recommended. Such pursuits will offer new insights into the history of overseas Chinese communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides the first ethnographic study of spiritual ecology in contemporary Hong Kong. In exploring the life stories of people who wanted to "heal" nature as well as those who were being "healed" by nature through the practice of green living, this paper illuminates the interconnection between self-transformation and social transformation within the green living circle. While the first form of self-transformation occurs when individuals consciously responded to green groups' appeals to cultivating themselves for the environment, the second mode of self-transformation happens unintendedly as people developed an interest in green living. In conclusion, I argue that the spiritual-ecological practices under the umbrella of green living offered people in Hong Kong a means to introspect, re-organize, and even transform their lives during difficult life events and challenging life transition. In turn, the emotional and spiritual experience of self-transformation not only reinforced people's faith in the power of nature, such positive experience was also key to perpetuating their interest and efforts in greening Hong Kong and the world beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Churches in Hong Kong have served as contractors to the state since its British colonization. To secure their political and social privileges, these churches have often been fashioned into apologists for the state. This mentality was not widely challenged until the 1980s. Since the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, some Hong Kong church leaders, theologians, and laypeople have started to articulate a democratic vision for civil society. This paper employs the notion of "religious activism" as an analytical framework to examine the role of Hong Kong Christianity in the pro-democracy movement. The influential voices and actions of Christians in 1984, 1989, 2003, 2014, and 2019 are chronologically summarized. Each political event triggered divergent reflections on the political participation of Christians. This paper offers an analysis of genealogical narratives of Christian activism and offers a prediction on the future of this political participation, particularly under the imposition of the National Security Law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical review of the study of masculinity among overseas Chinese. Rather than turning to Confucianism which has been deployed as the "deep structure" for explaining Chinese masculinity, this paper argues that attention should be directed to the Chinese kinship ideology, which will prove to be a more helpful tool in conceptualizing Chinese masculinity. Through ethnographic cases in Taiwan and Hong Kong, I will show how Chinese masculinity has derived from the Chinese kinship system, on the one hand, and how men in Taiwan and Hong Kong ended up expressing Chinese masculinity differently because of the different geopolitics on the other. This paper concludes that the nature and character of Chinese masculinity overseas, after all, hinges upon another two contexts: geopolitics and its relationship with femininity. It follows that Chinese masculinity cannot be studied in isolation but must be considered in relation to contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking the Hongkonger identity as an example of an overseas Chinese identity, this paper reviews the studies of "Hongkonger" identification. The idea of a "hybridized Hong Kong—Chinese identity," raised by media scholar Anthony Fung, is critically examined. I criticize this idea for disregarding the sociocultural context in which it was constructed, specifically the role and political aim of the colonizer, and for overemphasizing the "Other" role of the Chinese. This paper thereby contextualizes the emergence of the Hongkonger identity in the 1970s in the colonial context, examining how the role and political agenda of the colonizer related to the changing consciousness of Hongkongers and the emergence of the Hongkonger identity. In more concrete terms, this paper focuses on how the so-called "MacLehose reform" encouraged the consciousness of the "Hongkonger" as a separate category from that of the "Chinese" by "civilizing" the people of Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between religion and social movements is an important topic in the study of religion and society. This paper uses various textual and online sources to examine the role of Christianity in the anti-extradition bill movement that took place in Hong Kong from April to September 2019. The anti-extradition bill movement, which later evolved into a much wider movement against totalitarianism, has caused churches to grapple with church-state relations in the post-handover era. This paper employs the notion of "public religion" as an analytical framework to examine the process of the "deprivatization" of Christianity in Hong Kong. How does the ongoing contestation, both within and outside the church, reflect the challenges faced by Christianity when entering the public sphere? By answering the above questions, we will be able to explicate the religio-political significance of the protest movement in Hong Kong. 政治與宗教的糾結:香港反修例運動中基督宗教 摘要 宗教與社會運動的關係，是宗教與社會研究中備受重視的課題。本文運用文獻及網上資料，以2019年4月至9月為研究時限，探討基督宗教在反修例運動中的角色。從反修例運動演變成逆權運動，促使主權移交時代的香港教會面對政教關係的糾結。本文以「剬共宗教」作分析框架，檢討香港基督宗教「去私人化」的過程。教會在進入剬共領域時引發的內外爭議，反映出基督宗教面對著何種挑戰?通過回答以上問題，我們將闡明香港抗爭運動中的政治與宗教意義。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though many African and Asian countries share a common history of European colonialism and thus a model of economic development shaped within the aegis of center-periphery analysis, many Asian countries have been able to ride through the burden of center-periphery economics and built more successful political economies than most African countries. This state of affairs has often led many African analysts to point to Asian success stories like China and South Korea for comparative analysis and often see these Asian countries as models of socio-economic and socio-cultural success to emulate. In particular, Africans in the Diaspora, especially Africans in China, tend to compare very frequently the socio-economic and socio-cultural conditions of their host countries with those of their source countries. This paper outlines and discusses how a group of Africans living in Hong Kong and other parts of Asia see Korea and Korean culture through the prism of Korean television dramas, which constitute a popular cultural phenomenon among Hong Kong/Asian youths. Through qualitative and quantitative survey methods, participant-observation, and questionnaire surveys, the paper reports on how African community members of Hong Kong and others think of Koreans. We show that Africans draw a lot of comparisons between Korean and African ways of conceptualizing the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue concerns agency and negotiation in the context of the hierarchical relations between the People's Republic of China (PRC), a global superpower, and Taiwan, a subordinated actor often relegated to a marginal position in contemporary global geopolitics. By exploring how Taiwan opposes, interrupts and re-creates its subordinate position vis-à-vis China, the authors of this special issue will shed light on the complexities of the ongoing Taiwan experience, shaped by different, often opposing, interests, positions and perspectives regarding its relationship with China. Yet, by exploring the experience of Taiwan with reference to its Chinese legacies, this special issue will also allow important reflections on China, not only in its hegemonic role regionally and globally, but also in its weaknesses when it deals with subordinated actors. This is a timely and important piece, which will allow alternative interpretations of contemporary events not only in Taiwan, for instance the recent national elections and related political developments, but also in the region, such as the protests which have been occurring in Hong Kong during the last four months. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an examination of documents from the Qin county of Qianling excavated from Well no. 1, Liye, Hunan Province, and looted documents held by the Yuelu Academy, Hunan University, that were rescued from the Hong Kong antiques market, this paper discusses the ways in which the victorious Qin state treated the enemy that they had defeated in the wars of unification leading to the establishment of the Qin Empire. It also considers how the Qin treated those who resisted the imposition of their rule. It is determined that the Qin categorized these people into three types or groups and applied Qin law to them. It also discusses the establishment of a bureaucratic system through which the Qin tracked down fugitive enemies. 摘要: 本文通過檢視出土于湖南省里耶 1 號井的秦遷陵縣文檔以及湖南大學嶽麓書院從香港文物市場搶救回購的被盜掘秦簡，討論秦如何對待在統一戰爭中被打敗的敵人，以及如何對待抗拒秦制的人。結論是秦將這些敵人分爲三種類型，每種施以相應的秦律。本文還討論了秦如何建立追查逃亡敵人的官方系統。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the (re)imaginings of the past by Chinese Americans and their families who came as part of the Hong Kong Chinese diaspora before 1997. Hong Kong is a locale often described as being conflicted with "the politics of disappearance", but the Hong Kong Chinese diaspora provides a rich perspective into complex and nuanced tensions between central and peripheral linguistic and cultural imperialistic fields across time. Drawing upon the sociological work of transnational migration and belonging in Hong Kong, this research explores the discourses of Hong Kong emigres and their young adult and adult children as they discuss their immigration stories, imaginings, and reimaginings of a colonial and post-colonial Hong Kong. The paper focuses on intergenerational conveyance of imagined identities across contexts and languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using empirical and quantitative methods Pentecostal ministers are compared in the three locations of Hong Kong, Singapore and Kuala Lumpur. After providing an account of the historical backgrounds of Pentecostal churches in these locations, similarities and differences in the samples may be attributed to environmental or cultural effects. The paper concludes that there is evidence that cultural differences affect the views of respondents in a variety of measurable ways including in their opinion of ecumenical cooperation and in their attitudes to the poor or disadvantaged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor's discourse of motherly love during the 2019 mass protests, examining it in relation to the politicization of Confucianism taking place in China today. This politicization results from a new cult of personality centered on President Xi Jinping and his wife Peng Liyuan which reinforces patriarchal authoritarianism and familial nationalism through an explicit emphasis on Confucianism and traditional values. Through this process, authoritarian power has been reconfigured and legitimized as Confucian duty, with the result that political leaders are made to appear firm but benevolent parents while the protestors are cast in the role of children requiring discipline. Lam's discourse of motherly love is further complicated by the fact that she is the first woman to assume such a leadership role in modern Chinese history, which further illuminates Hong Kong's struggle against both patriarchal authoritarianism and the gendered legacy of coloniality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines patterns of return migration as a background to understand the intention among marriage migrants to return to their homeland. In a five-year period beginning in 2014, the author conducted qualitative interviews with Taiwanese immigrant women in Hong Kong who had married Hong Kong men and had arrived between 1965 and 2013, to understand major aspects of their adaptation. Despite successful efforts in developing careers, establishing families, and planting new roots by becoming Hong Kongers over the last few decades, a majority of the immigrants wanted to return to Taiwan to luo ye gui gen (落葉歸根, a falling leaf finds its way to its roots). Apart from regarding Taiwan as homeland and retaining a strong sense of belonging, their desire to re-migrate to a more hospitable environment, to enjoy a better quality of life compared to that of Hong Kong, has been spelled out with narratives. Return migration remains a paradox with regard to married women who have accepted patrilocal residence at the start. Whether returns do take place remains to be seen, as return migration in essence also suggests that migration is impermanent and transnational in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The link between development and migration has been termed the 'new development mantra'. Studies on the subject have so far mostly focused on economic remittances, and the potential consequences of return migration on democratisation have been rarely touched upon. This article attests the potential of the migration experience to affect migrants' attitudes towards democracy, thus playing an important role in the diffuse support needed for democracies in the stage of consolidation. Based on a survey among 1,000 Philippine return migrants from six destinations, the paper suggests that the migration experience may not only lead to a more critical stance towards the political system of the home country; there are also indicators of lesser support for the principles of democracy when compared to migrants about to leave the country for the first time. The political system of the destination as such seems to be a less decisive factor than the specific freedoms and restrictions experienced by migrants and a potential bias when selecting the destination. The article focuses on return migrants from Saudi Arabia, Hong Kong and Japan, which showed the most distinctive numbers in support of democracy or changes therein when compared to first-time migrants heading for that destination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developing countries are increasingly facilitating migration as a way of generating remittances for the home economy. The Philippines serves as a paradigmatic example, inaugurating a labour export scheme in 1973 that has grown each year and resulted in nearly 25 per cent of the labour force working abroad. The institutionalization of this labour export policy, along with changes in citizenship and voting laws, has led to the increasing deterritorialization of the Philippines state, with concomitant implications for democracy and democratization. This deterritorialization presents both opportunities and challenges for the state. Among them are the possibility of securing sustained remittances and the necessity of securing democratic legitimacy from a globalized polity. This paper traces the evolution of this labour export policy and analyzes the effects of state discursive strategies designed to secure democratic legitimacy. To further this analysis I present the results of a survey conducted among Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong (n=691). The responses indicate the discursive strategy of 'national heroes' has been effective in that majorities of OFWs view themselves as 'heroes of the nation.' However, OFWs also view themselves as making sacrifices for the nation and have concerns about government commitments to protect the rights and interests of OFWs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to enrich the literature on East Asian development by focusing on one critical difference between Hong Kong and the other NIEs – Hong Kong's rapid deindustrialization since the mid-1980s. We shall argue that while global restructuring gives rise to upgrading opportunities for various localities, it is the process of capability formation associated with the local business model that determines whether or not a locality is likely to benefit from these opportunities. We focus on the electronics industry as a crucial case and based on archival data and case interviews. We show that a strategic inertia associated with the "subcontractor model" locks Hong Kong firms in the OEM role within the buyer-driven global chain. Analyzing the evolution of local firms clearly illustrates the "imprinting" effect of the start-up environment on internal organizational structure and subsequent strategic choice. We conclude from this restructuring experience that sustainability [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a response to an article on the relationship between the literary text of `Isaiah' and the cultural text of Hong Kong, China. Interpretation of ancient and modern postcolonial situations; Views on the humanity of women in the book of `Ezra'; Argument against the use of the Bible in the interpretation of a contemporary society.

Hong Kong's colonial institutions — including its judicial system — have had a profound influence upon the development of the territory during the past 150 years. A factor that has been attributed to Hong Kong's success as a center of both finance and commerce is its well-established common law system, where the Judiciary provides an institutional basis for safeguarding basic rights. Specifically, this included a failure by Great Britain to extend the provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights to the territory. It is also evidenced by a similar unwillingness to enact local legislation that would prohibit racial discrimination, which it is obligated to do under the International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, which has been in effect since 1969. The paper argues that since the return to Chinese rule in July 1997, the actions of Hong Kong authorities have evidenced a disregard for their obligations under international covenants, as well as for judicial independence.

The objective of this paper was to provide the U.S. dairy industry with empirical estimates of Hong Kong’s derived demand for imported cheese differentiated by source country of production. These estimates were used to simulate the effects of European Union (EU) subsidy reductions on the U.S. share of Hong Kong cheese imports. Simulation results suggested that Oceania was the primary beneficiary from EU subsidy reductions. Hong Kong cheese imports from the U.S. were expected to increase by 12% if subsidy reductions continue at the same pace as the 1994 GATT agreement and 21% if reductions were twice the pace. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The visual mode provides emergent bi/multilinguals an essential resource to construct scientific explanations. Yet, while a metalanguage is used to describe the written mode of scientific language such as, claim, evidence, reason; there is little research that makes students aware of the metalanguage of a visual mode. We propose an introduction to the visual metalanguage will ensure emergent bi/multilinguals better access to the visual mode. This study employs an instrumental case study to examine the introduction of visual metalanguage to a fifth-grade science class. Two cameras record ten emergent bi/multilinguals as they construct scientific explanations in nine lessons. We use a framework informed by social semiotics to analyse the meanings made. The data revealed that an awareness of the visual metalanguage led to an enhanced commitment to illustrate the explanation of the phenomenon, illuminated key concepts and provided more context to the audience. In addition, teacher questioning became more focused. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Article 14(6) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) provides for the right to compensation for wrongful conviction or miscarriage of justice. In Hong Kong, there are two compensation schemes for people who have been wrongfully convicted – the statutory scheme under Article 11(5) of the Bill of Rights Ordinance and the ex gratia scheme (also applicable to wrongful imprisonment). Although there are cases in which Hong Kong courts have dealt with the right to compensation under the ex gratia scheme, it was only in March 2020, in A v Secretary for Justice and Another , that the High Court, for the first time, dealt with a case on the right to compensation under Article 11(5). In this article, the author discusses the right to compensation for wrongful conviction in Hong Kong generally and in particular under Article 11(5) of the Bill of Rights Ordinance. The author deals with the case of A v Secretary for Justice and Another and illustrates how the High Court's interpretation of Article 11(5) of the Bill of Rights Ordinance is likely to impact on the right to compensation for wrongful conviction in Hong Kong in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on income redistribution through the government budget in Hong Kong. During the post-war period, Hong Kong has achieved rapid economic development and its per capita income is now among the highest in East Asia. It has been pointed out that this achievement is in no small measure due to the policy of the government which allows free play of market forces and great scope for private enterprise. At the same time, the point has also been made that in favoring economic growth the government has neglected income distribution. Although a government can influence income distribution in many ways, it is usually through the budget that major redistribution is brought about. This paper studies the redistributive effect of the government budget in Hong Kong by estimating the distribution of the tax burden and public expenditure benefits among different income groups. First, a brief picture of the budget structure is given. Then the method for calculating fiscal incidence is summarized. Finally, the results showing the effects of the budget on income distribution are presented.

The article presents information on patterns of urban differentiation in Hong Kong. Since the Second World War, Hong Kong society has undergone large-scale social changes, primarily through the processes of industrialization, modernization and urbanization. These processes of social change have transformed what was a relatively homogeneous society into a heterogeneous society which is characterized by a high level of both functional and structural differentiation. The forms and directions of differentiation in the urbanized society of Hong Kong are of interest to both social scientists and policy-makers alike. The purpose of this paper is to apply Sociologist Eshref Shevky's theory of urban development to the case of Hong Kong. Shevky's theory is utilized here because of its importance in contemporary urban sociology and urban geography, and the wide support it has received from a host of empirical studies conducted primarily in the cities of the Western world.

The article draws on biographical, autoethnographic and experimental forms of writing in order to reflect on the intergenerational transmission of war and displacement in the late colonial period of British rule in Hong Kong, and Japanese occupation. Intimate histories across three generations reveal experiences typically neglected by customary Chinese or colonial readings of the period. Specifically, the article privileges breathing as a site for analysing the interplay between body and home, dwelling and displacement, and the corporeal and psychic transmission of Chinese patriarchy and Anglo-Chinese intra-familial relations. It links the body as a dwelling for assaults on the ability to breathe—through tuberculosis, opium smoking, asthma and panic—with the physical home that is, in turn, assaulted by bombs, killing, intimate betrayals and fatal illness. Aptly, the Covid-19 "pandemic of breathlessness," during which the research was conducted, serves as a mnemonic for the reprisal of fears of suffocation and dying. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article points to the importance of religion for refugees and the migration process. After World War II and civil war in China, many refugees flocked to Hong Kong (HK) for safe haven in the British colony, and possible subsequent migration abroad. Christian congregations in HK, and missionaries who themselves were refugees from China, offered hospitality and support services across refugee groups. They advocated for the colonial government to help settle refugees by building low-cost urban housing, schools, medical clinics and new infrastructure. This new workforce was crucial to HK's industrialization which took-off in the 1950s. With the decline of HK's trade economy due to the Cold War embargo of China, many refugees became entrepreneurs-of-necessity by starting family businesses that absorbed migrant labour. Religiously-inspired assistance to refugees, from within one's group and beyond, made a big difference in assimilating newcomers and helping them to rebuild their lives in adverse conditions. Beyond Christian responses, the article also explores the role of the Wong Tai Sin Taoist temple in Kowloon, itself uprooted from Guangzhou and replanted in HK. It reassured displaced people with cultural continuity to their ancestor halls and offered psycho-social assistance through spirit-writing divination, herbal medicine and Taoist worship adapted from rural Chinese villages to urban workers struggling to improve their lives and adapt to Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article evaluates the 2019 street protests in Hong Kong following the proposal of the Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill 2019, in light of the constitutional settlement of the region. Firstly, it examines the 'constitutional morality' of Hong Kong, that is, the moral principles underlying its foundational claims to moral authority. Secondly it analyses whether the Administration's 'legitimacy claims' – its rational-normative arguments for obedience to law – follow from these constitutional moral principles. Concluding that the legitimacy claims of the Administration pursuant to the Bill proved morally unintelligible, this research finds that protest action by citizens was a logical and rational response to a perceived legitimacy claim failure. It suggests that similar protests are likely to occur for the foreseeable future given the instability of the region's constitutional morality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hong Kong's one country, two systems model denies meaningful political equality for citizens. Instead citizens have engaged government in dialogue and have been granted a foothold in politics through protest. However, this equilibrium was upset in 2019 to 2020. Protests took place that were unprecedented in their scale, duration, widespread support and participation. And yet, government refused to engage in any kind of dialogue or deliberative action. This refusal, along with the use of excessive force by police, provoked an unprecedented escalation from civil disobedience to principled uncivil disobedience. This article argues that the escalation of principled uncivil disobedience was not only justified, but satisfied a duty that citizens have to resist injustice. It relies on the legal and political theory of Candice Delmas, arguing that while citizens have a prima facie obligation to obey the law, where law or policy becomes unjust, citizens may have a duty to resist that injustice, even if it means breaking the law. To illustrate this point, one type of principled uncivil disobedience that has become prevalent – graffiti – is used as an analytical lens. Graffiti communicates protestors' grievances and subverts authority by reclaiming the space. It is allegorical of both the movement and the city; just as the cityscape has been permanently altered by the protests, so too has Hong Kong been changed by this period of unrest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is an evaluation study of a pilot multicomponent program with animal-assisted therapy (AAT) for socially withdrawn youth with or without mental health problems in Hong Kong. There were fifty-six participants. Decreased level of social anxiety, and increased levels of perceived employability and self-esteem across two withdrawn groups were observed. When comparing those who did and did not receive the AAT component(s), however, AAT did not seem to have additional impacts on outcomes. The qualitative data collected through interviews with ten participants reflected that the AAT component was attractive because the nonhuman animals made them feel respected and loved. This pilot study showed that a multicomponent program with a case management model correlated with increased levels of self-esteem and perceived employability, and a decreased level of social interaction anxiety. In addition, using nonhuman animals in a social service setting appears to be a good strategy to engage difficult-to-engage young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reexamines two Sinophone literary uchronias, i.e. Malaysian Chinese (Mahua) author Ng Kim Chew's dystopian account of the People's Republic of Nanyang, and Hong Kong writer Dung Kai-cheung's fabrication of the history of a disappeared street in Hong Kong. As representative pieces of Sinophone literature, these two literary uchronias not only rewrite the authors' local histories but also bring together a critical examination of the geo-political conditions in the Sinophone sphere. Reflecting on the spatialized and materialist models of world literature studies, this essay aims to investigate the Hong Kong-Mahua link in terms of their world-making power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1970s, when Carol Hanisch proposes that "the personal is political," she emphasizes how all personal issues—including challenges, choices, and behaviors—carry their political imports. Therefore, while we examine individual experiences, we can expect to understand the historical and political contexts of the public, and seek for solutions to problems if there is any. In the studies of Oversea Chinese, we observe how Shirley Geok-lin Lim, a Chinese Malaysian who has become naturalized in the United States, represents an untypical diasporic prototype as she is often traveling from one place to another and in an "in-between" position, different from traditional paradigms of settlement or diaspora. This essay focuses the analysis on the usage of English and the concept about homeland to read poetry written by Shirley Lim in Hong Kong, so as to investigate how her personal experience could bespeak the political and cultural identifications for people in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present unsettling times, the world is in need of an effective catalyst to drive the growth of international trade and investment. Special economic zones (SEZs) may have the strong potential to serve as such catalyst. Drawing on the experience of SEZs around the globe, this article seeks to illustrate how to make an SEZ work and how to do it right. In particular, the experience of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China can provide useful insights in this regard. This article will also look at how changing global trade and economic environment has given rise to new challenges and opportunities for SEZ development, including innovation in dispute resolution mechanisms, synergy with free trade agreement initiatives, greater use of modern technology, a 'green' development model and collaboration and partnerships among governments as well as international organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the U.S. and Europe, clinical spiritual care (hospital chaplaincy) is a non-sectarian ministry meant to provide support to all persons, regardless of faith. This model faces a challenge in religiously pluralistic settings like Hong Kong, where caregiving is provided by devout practitioners from conservative Christian traditions. Conflicts regarding ultimate Truth, salvation, and ethics—largely avoided by pastoral theology—are laid bare in such contexts. The theological approaches of academic fields like theology of religions and comparative/interreligious theology are useful for understanding the various perspectives involved, but do not resolve the tension between individual religious beliefs and the demands of a public interfaith ministry. The unique characteristics of Chinese spirituality and religion further complicate matters. Ultimately, what is needed is a theological paradigm of care that does not neglect the critical truth-claims of those religions involved, including the desire to evangelize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong (2014) read like a living tale of David and Goliath. Peaceful demonstrators held flimsy umbrellas to defend themselves against tear gas, pepper spray, and police batons. While many observers applauded the spontaneity of the citywide protests, little attention has been paid to the involvement of the Christian church in the prodemocracy struggle. This article draws on field observations and media reports to examine the various societal networks, resources, and mechanisms that Christian and non-Christian actors employed for grassroots mobilization. The crux of discussion is the political and theological polarization of the church, as the Umbrella protest revealed a qualitative shift in the attitude of local Catholics and Protestants toward political awakening and civic engagement. Such findings throw light on the intersection of faith and politics in Hong Kong's continuous struggle for democratic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dog guardianship has gained popularity in many cities as a result of animal domestication. In spite of its benefits, dog guardianship in high-density urban housing creates certain problems, including increased health risks. Conflicts between different interested parties over the right to keep dogs have therefore surfaced. In Hong Kong, a lawsuit was initiated by a resident in a private housing estate, Mei Foo Sun Chuen, to overturn dog bans imposed by the property management company. The court's judgment stated that dog bans are enforceable only if dogs are explicitly prohibited in the deed of mutual covenant. This study aims to value empirically the right to keep dogs in private housing based on an analysis of a set of housing transaction data in Hong Kong. It also investigates how the value of the right has changed with the court judgment. The findings suggest that the right was negatively valued by the market, but the court judgment increased its value. These results demonstrate a revealed preference of the Hong Kong community for dog guardianship in a high-rise living environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Practitioners define the police complaints system of Hong Kong as a two-tier system. In this article, written at the request of the organisers of a 2014 Symposium, the international reform trend and purposes of police complaints systems are briefly outlined before examination of the Hong Kong system. A different conceptualisation is suggested to the one currently preferred by practitioners. It is observed that three organisations - the Independent Commission Against Corruption, the Complaints Against Police Office of the Hong Kong Police Force, and the Independent Police Complaints Council - share responsibility for handling complaints against the police. It is proposed that a full and comprehensive audit of the powers, duties and responsibilities of the three organisations that comprise this tripartite system, supported by research on the experiences of complainants, would provide an important evidence base for developing the system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the process of the Sino-British negotiations over Hong Kong that led to the signing of the Joint Declaration of 1984. It shows how the British, as the weaker party in the asymmetrical negotiations, retreated from their initial proposals and how they came to work within the parameters set by the Chinese side. This then helped them to gain concessions from the other side that were important to them in managing the interim period of their rule, while helping to safeguard the territory after its reversion to China. The article highlights the link between the communications among the top leaders and the conduct of the negotiations, showing how skillfully the British identified the other side's concerns and perspectives and how they were able to use the subtleties of language and pressure of time to their advantage. The British experience has important bearings on the literature of international negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Hong Kong as elsewhere, the European Union (EU) is known more for its collective economic and trade powers than its political clout. Since autumn 2005, the Office of the European Commission in Hong Kong and Macao has steadily stepped up its efforts to disseminate information about the EU. It has also begun to reach out to the local community, while retaining its traditional ties with the elite circles. This study examines the image of the EU according to public opinion in order to identify areas where improvements can be made. By and large, we have found that the image of the EU is rather positive, and the significance of the EU widely recognised. Still, the EU has yet to acquire adequate means of advancing its own values, while systematic collaborations with strategic partners in the non-governmental sectors could be further strengthened to promote the EU's visibility as a global actor that is also relevant to Hong Kong. Moreover, the normative-cum-civilian approach continues to matter in three ways: in the formulation of the EU's policy towards Hong Kong, in promoting the EU as a responsible global actor while EU–China relations develop, and in promoting lesson-learning and sharing of values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the trafficking of women from mainland China to Hong Kong, China to be involved in the sex industry. The author's opinions regarding the lack of enforcement of regulations regarding the sex industry in Hong Kong are discussed. Increases which have occurred regarding the number of Chinese women involved in the sex industry in Hong Kong are mentioned. The role in which Asian governments are required to play in protecting women from becoming victims in the sex industry are discussed. Reasons for the increase which has been seen in the number of sex workers in Hong Kong are mentioned.

The article expresses the views of the author on the proceedings of the Sixth Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization held on December 13-18, 2005 in Hong Kong, China. The author believes that the said conference was a great disappointment from the perspective of trade and development concerns. She has seen unfairness about the Uruguay Round Agreements and cites multiple areas which she thinks evident for such imbalanced.

Focuses on the link between the efforts of elite authors to take their part in the political decision-making process through statecraft writings, and the rise of the newspaper press of Hong Kong, China and treaty-port Shanghai. Comparison between Cai Erkang's and Wanwei Shuqiao's statements on the political status of the press in China; Issues concerning the merger of statecraft discourse and journalistic writing; Examples of journals that have coincided with the implementation of yangwu politics in the decade preceding the Sino-French war.

This article argues that the People's Republic of China used Hong Kong's reversion in 1997, a reluctant project at first, as an opportunity to articulate its national aspirations in the post-Mao era. Of special interest is the shift of the Chinese view of Hong Kong from one of ideological degradation to one of kinder, gentler and more contextualized appreciation. Chinese attempts to refashion Hong Kong's image in the 1980s and 1990s attested to two salient features of Deng Xiaoping's reform regime: the decline of Marxist ideology and the resurgence of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Semi-structured interviews were conducted among approximately 100 high school students each in Hong Kong and one small mid-western town in the United States. We intended 1) to examine differences between the two cultures in sociocultural factors affecting the students' first drinking experience, their drinking levels, and definitions of alcohol use; and 2) to see whether gender, differences in addition to cultural differences, influence the above variables and associations among these variables. As expected, American adolescents are more likely than Hong Kong adolescents to drink, to drink more frequently, and to drink higher quantities. Hong Kong adolescents tended to take their first drink earlier than U.S. adolescents. However, an association between early and later drinking present in the U.S. sample, was not found in the Hong Kong one. Definitions of alcohol use were influential in determining drinking levels. The data also show that gender differences in drinking levels and the social processes leading to alcohol use are more pronounced in the U.S. than in Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructs a framework for biblical studies based on the context of postcolonial Hong Kong, China. Identity of being a people of Hong Kong under British colonial rule; Application of the biblical text of Isaiah to the postcolonial context of Hong Kong; Discussion on the notion of postcolonialism.

Clarifies several issues discussed in an article on the relationship between the literary text of the book of `Ezra' and the cultural text of Hong Kong, China. Humanity of women subsumed by a postcolonial culture; Issue of recolonization; Justification for the use of the Bible in postcolonial studies; Application of cross-cultural reading to the social context of Hong Kong.

This article examines the effect of the immigration law in Hong Kong, China on children and their families. The international community has spent many years drafting the Convention on the Rights of the Child which has been ratified by most countries. However, when it comes to immigration law and policy, these principles are often forgotten as states assert their power to control entry. In the last decade, there has been increasing economic integration between the economies of Hong Kong and Southern China and this has meant that many Hong Kong people visit China either on a long term basis or on a short term basis for business trips or holidays. This has led to many people from Hong Kong marrying partners from the mainland. It has also been reported that more Hong Kong women are marrying men from the mainland. On average, 2,000 couples are married each year in Guangzhou. The Immigration Department estimates that between 92,200 and 100,900 Hong Kong men could be married to women on the mainland and that the number of their children ranges from 310,000 to 311,000. Hong Kong's immigration law and policy is characterized by the discretionary powers it confers on the government and the absence of effective legal checks on that power.