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Neopatrimonialism is a conceptual framework frequently used to analyse state politics. This paper reviews objectivist and positivist literature to ascertain the relevance of neopatrimonialism in analysing African state politics. It defines neopatrimonialism following the Weberian model, as the coexistence of a legal-rational domination and a patrimonial domination over the state. The paper reviews neopatrimonialism through the evolution of the African state since colonisation. It uses the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) dataset to assess the prevalence of neopatrimonialism across the world and within Africa. It assesses two propositions to conclude that there can be a "developmental neopatrimonialism" if its practices are regulated but that, inversely, "predatory neopatrimonialism" hinders development. Additionally, the detrimental effect of neopatrimonialism on democracy is ambiguous and democratisation can promote or hinder neopatrimonialism. The paper concludes that neopatrimonialism is a useful research concept if it is specific and able to account for the diversity of practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africa's Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) aims to boost intra-Africa trade and to ultimately improve the lives and welfare of Africans. Through a discursive analysis of human capital theory and its relationship with gains to trade, this paper analyses the state of Africa's human capital in readiness for AfCFTA and provides some policy recommendations. Gains to trade are theoretically and empirically more beneficial to countries with human capital accumulation. Most African countries still have low human capital levels and may not be able to reap the benefits of an integrated free trade area that AfCFTA portends, in terms of employment generation. African countries require a coherent human capital development strategy. This paper recommends a three-pronged approach that includes identifying specific areas of comparative advantage, shifting focus away from the export of natural resources and primary products and developing the knowledge and skills required in the areas of comparative advantage identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines issues of the slave trade and slavery in the Momo River valley of Cameroon. Using primary sources (oral tradition and archival materials) and secondary sources, the paper shows the impact of the transatlantic slave trade in the region not only in the slave trade and slaving activities but also in the transformation of some old social institutions and the emergence of new ones. The paper argues that the transatlantic slave trade introduced capitalists in this part of Africa, who continued to make profits from legitimate commerce after the abolition of the slave trade through the persistent enslavement of other Africans to work in the palm oil industry. The Momo River valley continued to be a major source of these slaves. This paper therefore brings into the limelight slavery and the slave trade in an area which contributed to the transatlantic and the post-transatlantic slave trade but which has still not received adequate scholarly attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral violence is a persistent phenomenon in Africa. Studies reveal that no single election has been held in Africa without incidents of violence. There is a surge of interest in electoral violence as an academic field, although still in its infancy. The existing literature on electoral violence primarily focuses on the concept, causes, impact and prevention mechanisms. Nevertheless, the question as to why electoral violence persists is inadequately addressed. This paper engages varied literature on electoral violence to uncover why electoral violence persists in Africa. I argue that although the literature provides diverse explanations on electoral violence in Africa, institutional account, particularly the consolidation of democratic institutions, is the most plausible explanation for why electoral violence persists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of past civilisations in southern Africa from AD 700 to AD 1450 has engendered unresolved debates on the social complexities and ultimate decline of these powerful states. The purpose of this paper is to examine the history of the Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe state systems in southern Africa through an environmental perspective by taking into consideration human responses to persistent droughts and dry spells. The theories underpinning this study are derived from contemporary societal responses to similar environmental hardships in the Bikita and Chivi districts of southern Zimbabwe. Using rainfall data, and interviews with chiefs, villagers, farmers and experts, this study notes that the occurrence of droughts and dry-spell experiences interfere with sociopolitical organisation. The concepts of sustainability, resilience and transformation are used to explain what could have transpired in societies in southern Africa in the second millennium AD in the face of persistent droughts and dry spells. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, China has become increasingly influential in Africa, and the US policy pivoting to confront domestic challenges and withdrawing from its role in international fora has raised many concerns. Based on this global context, this paper examines the US-China soft power competition through foreign aid. It takes a relational lens to analyze their aid to the African countries. It first looks at how foreign aid could be transformed into soft power assets, and then innovatively puts the two countries side by side and examines the relational powers of their foreign aid and the impacts on the other's national image. The paper uses ordered (Ordinary Least Squares) OLS, ordered logit, and IV regression to analyze aid data and opinion poll data. The results show that foreign aid can promote the African perceptions of both countries. It also finds that Chinese aid has a negative impact on the image of the US in Africa, while American aid has no significant effect on African perception of China. This conclusion aligns with the competitive nature of the US–China relationship. China's model of aid may be preferred by Africans, while the US may need to revisit its approaches in Africa in order to turn this situation around. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question whether labour rights are human rights has provoked a lot of debate among scholars. Surveying the literature, three different approaches are identified namely, Instrumental Approach, Normative Approach and Positive Approach. These approaches are outlined to navigate the discussion herein. The paper supports, explores and develops the Positive Approach with reference to the principle of 'indivisibility of rights. It used Amartya Sen's view on indivisibility of rights as a framework and argues that some human rights instruments not only contain labour rights, but also propagate the indivisibility of rights. If rights are indivisible as expressed in such human rights treaties, then labour rights can be enforced as human rights. Regarding the indivisibility of rights, the African (Banjul) Charter is used to project the argument and to set the limit of the paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African governments signed the largest trade agreement, the Continental Free Trade Agreement in 2018 in order to boost intra-trade thereby improving economic welfare of African citizens. This paper provides an overview of the obstacles to the African economic integration process experienced in the past and the possible solutions. The paper discussed the theoretical postulations and empirically reviewed some African experiences. Some theoretical aspects included not only the traditional international trade theories but also other non-orthodox theories such as organizational theories which include intergovernmentalism, neofunctionalism and neorealism. Empirically, Africa's economic integration challenges range from economic such as polarization of benefits towards larger economies at the expense of smaller economies, an unclear model of distributing welfare gains (or losses), traditional trade models which do not stimulate intra-African trade, several non-tariff and institutional barriers among other factors. Other challenges include lack of political will to implement signed trade contracts and political instability in some economic regions which results in small and fragmented markets. The paper also discussed the legal challenges such as lack of standardization on products and procedures which result in subjectivity in interpretation of trade instruments. The paper made recommendations to each identified challenge in order to make the CFTA more effective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agri-food value chains are complex systems comprising of a network of interlinked and interdependent actors. To foster collaboration between these actors, trust between actors and in value chains is considered to be key. Despite growing scholarly attention an overview of to what extent and how trust is the role of trust in agri-food value chains is lacking. Employing a systematic review, this paper aims to explore the literature on trust in agri-food value chains to provide a solid knowledge basis for future studies into more specific aspects of trust. For our results, 139 papers were analysed published between 2001 and 2020. Studies were mainly conducted in Africa and Europe focussing on meat and vegetable chains. The results show a growing but dispersed field as studies hold a great conceptual diversity and theory building within the field of agri-food value chains is lacking. Based on our analysis we call for developing a coherent body of knowledge exploring the role of trust in agri-food value chains by: (1) employing a dynamic perspective on trust; (2) focussing on trust in agri-food value chain systems; and (3) focussing on the increasing importance of digitalisation for trust relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Africa needs to adopt a more pragmatic approach to its regional integration agenda in order to increase the prospects of the objectives of the Continental Free Trade Area. The paper examines the political economy realities of Africa's integration and highlights certain contextual challenges that have created a gap between the continent's regional integration stated intentions and objectives as contained in the Abuja Treaty forming the African Economic Community (AEC) and the attainment of the identified integration milestones within the identified timeframes. The disparity between identified objectives and implementation realities requires that Africa should evaluate its chosen approach to integration before embarking upon another project like the Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA) in order not to repeat the failures of the past. Such an evaluation should bring the continent to revisit its current disproportionate emphasis on market integration and pursuit of a trade liberalization agenda in favour of a developmental regionalism approach to integration. A developmental regionalism approach is one that seeks to promote mutually beneficial trade amongst African Union member states while placing an equal amount of emphasis on industrial development and the upgrading of regional value chains that are a prerequisite for transformative industrialization. For the CFTA to succeed, Africa would need to place much emphasis on cooperation on cross border infrastructure investment and development, while continuing its efforts aimed at the harmonisation of standards and related trade facilitation measures. This change of emphasis to adopt a developmental regionalism approach it is argued would yield greater developmental benefits and increase the success prospects of the CFTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a well-known fact that Africa continent is grappling with developmental challenges. The main objectives of this paper therefore are to examine the impact of neoliberalism on these developmental challenges and to encourage African leaders to take a bold and radical departure from the norm in order to chart a new course of development which will take the continent out of the woods of economic retardation and development deficit which envelope the region now. Drawing on the case study which centre on African realities and experiences, the paper discovered that the claim that neo-liberalism is the undisputable means of attaining economic development in Africa is an illusion. On the strength of this, the paper expands on the theory of assimilation with its concomitant smart or strategic protectionism through the adaptation of foreign technology, promotion of education and encouragement of entrepreneurship as means of genuinely engendering economic development in African. The research adopts qualitative and case study methodology. Similarly, the work embraces inductive research approach as the research process systematically focuses on finding answer to the question Of, What effective step can African governments take in order to candidly overcome the challenge of underdevelopment? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper revisits the literature on regional power-hood and its application to Africa with a view to answering two key questions: one, whether we can talk of regional hegemons in the continent in real terms, and two, whether group hegemonic leadership better explains regional hegemonic behavior in Africa. It uses Sandra Destradi conceptual framework and Miriam Prys' typology of regional power-hood to answer these questions, with South Africa and Nigeria as case studies. Using Prys' typology which distinguishes between regional detached powers, regional hegemons and regional dominators as an analytical framework, the paper confirms what already exists in the literature, viz. that neither South Africa nor Nigeria neatly fit the conception of regional hegemons in Africa. However, it uses both countries as empirical cases to argue that they already act as hegemonic leaders and in cooperative ways that suggest group or shared leadership, using specific Common African Positions they have led in Africa. The analysis concludes by laying out the normative basis for a Group Hegemony composed of not only South Africa and Nigeria, but also other sub-regional leaders in the continent. This is based on the hard power shortfalls and internal weaknesses of both our case studies including their relative soft power resources which have utility in an increasingly intersocial international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most national and international discussions have not seriously recognized the role religio-cultural practices of indigenous Africans can play in mitigating the effects of climate change. This paper, examines the contribution the indigenous people can make towards the mitigation of the effects of climate change, using the Akan of Ghana as a case study. Mostly, indigenous people who are the major stakeholders in land use in Ghana are marginalized when policies aimed at reducing environmental degradation are made. This has resulted in low gains in the fight against environmental degradation despite several interventions in Ghana. A recent report puts Ghana into a net-emitter of GHG bracket. This means the country has to embark on a Low Carbon Development Strategy to address the situation. This paper, therefore argues that unless indigenous people—major stakeholders of land use—are duly involved; it will be difficult to address the effects of climate change in Ghana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the sources of growth in selected African and East Asian countries, using the growth accounting framework on data from 1960 to 2016. We demonstrate the causal association between labour quantity, total capital service (TKS), total factor productivity (TFP) and economic growth. The lower growth in GDP during the 1980s and 1990s in Africa matches with the slower growth in TKS. The TFP growth does not explain the economic growth difference among countries; it contributed negatively to GDP growth in the two regions until the 2000s. However, in African countries, its positive contribution during the 2000s returned to negative in the 2010s, while Asian countries continued driving a positive contribution up to 28.9% as a result of TFP growth. In all East Asian countries, TKS contributed more than half of their growth in GDP, which makes their growth capital-driven, while African countries' growth in GDP was more dependent on labour quantity growth. In Africa, we discovered bidirectional causality between labour quantity and GDP and between TKS and GDP, as well as unidirectional causality running from GDP to TFP. In East Asia, we found only a one-way causality running from GDP to TKS and to TFP. Policymakers in Africa should adopt policies aimed at increasing capital accumulation and efficient allocation of economic resources in order to sustain growth acceleration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of population growth, scramble for employment, congestion in cities coupled with underdevelopment has been a cause for concern over the years. Many solutions, such as aid and conclusion of international investment agreements with a view to attract foreign direct investment, have been explored and tried with no real changes. In recent years, there is a strong movement on charter cities, championed by the former World Bank Chief Economist, Paul Romer. Romer's grand charter city would be developed on a vacant land, offered by the host State, for free, to the developer of the city. The city adopts a constitutive act, spelling out basic rights of the residents and the responsibilities of the city government but then imports functional rules from a developed country/countries being guarantor(s), and the latter ensure(s) enforcement of these rules. This paper explores charter cities as a panacea to poverty and underdevelopment in Africa and it lays bare the problematic conceptual issues on charter cities. Thus, it finds that charter cities could be another vehicle facilitating scramble for land in Africa as seen in Madagascar where the idea was explored. In addition, a need for uninhabited land threatens relocations and removals, which have often been forceful and impacts on the socio-economic conditions of communities as witnessed in Lesotho when the highlands water project, serving South Africa with water, began construction. Relocations are not only economically debilitating; they are highly emotive to many Africans based on the past experiences. Further, substituting the host state's control with that of developed nation/s (sponsor/guarantor) can only be regarded as neo-liberal colonialism. Another problem is in relation to freedom to reside in the city, thereby extending free residency to everyone from anywhere in world, compromising sovereignty for the host and not solving employment crisis. While charter cities can solve poverty and underdevelopment in Africa, these conceptual problems need to be addressed; otherwise, we are facing neoliberal land dispossessions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinweizu's wide-ranging and copious intellectual output persistently brings into sharp focus penetrating analysis of Asia's contemporary rise (read in Chinweizuan terms as autonomous modernization and industrialization) in juxtaposition to Africa's de-industrialization and with it her firm rootedness at the periphery of global power. "Africa's Staticity-Asia's Rise" is a binary that bothers Chinweizu to no end. In two key works presented in Accra and Abuja respectively (Chinweizu, 2010a; 2010b) he tries to find answers. The two papers throw up in my view, a few strategic questions : i. how should Africa relate to a rising Asia in contemporary times? ii. What will it take in real terms for Chinweizu's Black Superpower to emerge if the Asian example is a compelling one? iii. Is industrialization an existential necessity for Africa? iv. What kind of political, economic and social structures are required for a Black Superpower to emerge to command the respect of the world like Japan, Korea or China? This article will critically engage with these two works in order to attempt to respond to these strategic questions in the hope that it will aid in sharpening the theoretical underpinnings and practical processes for building the Chinweizuan Black Superpower. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last few decades, the world has experienced significant economic and political transformation, which has led to adjustments in economic interaction between countries. However, this new pattern of economic engagement has not attracted adequate investigation from management researchers. This paper aims to fill this gap in the literature by advancing a conceptual framework that can guide researchers towards investigating new patterns of economic engagement across countries. Chinese economic engagement in Africa is used to exemplify how the conceptual framework can be used. The paper concludes by providing directions for research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though many African and Asian countries share a common history of European colonialism and thus a model of economic development shaped within the aegis of center-periphery analysis, many Asian countries have been able to ride through the burden of center-periphery economics and built more successful political economies than most African countries. This state of affairs has often led many African analysts to point to Asian success stories like China and South Korea for comparative analysis and often see these Asian countries as models of socio-economic and socio-cultural success to emulate. In particular, Africans in the Diaspora, especially Africans in China, tend to compare very frequently the socio-economic and socio-cultural conditions of their host countries with those of their source countries. This paper outlines and discusses how a group of Africans living in Hong Kong and other parts of Asia see Korea and Korean culture through the prism of Korean television dramas, which constitute a popular cultural phenomenon among Hong Kong/Asian youths. Through qualitative and quantitative survey methods, participant-observation, and questionnaire surveys, the paper reports on how African community members of Hong Kong and others think of Koreans. We show that Africans draw a lot of comparisons between Korean and African ways of conceptualizing the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constitution-building is a delicate and intricate process which requires ample reflection and careful choices. African constitution-builders and politicians have since the beginning of the 1990s embarked on a process of constitutional reforms. A careful examination of the developments of the last two decades shows that the process has almost provoked never-ending contagion of making, unmaking and remaking of constitutions. This paper attempts to provide an over-view of the changes that have been taking place. Some of the issues relating to the durability of national constitutions and theoretical foundations for constitutional change are discussed. The paper also considers some of the possible implications of the endless processes of making, unmaking and remaking constitutions. The critical question it tries to grapple with is how this unending process of constitution-building in Africa can be controlled in a manner that will ensure peace, political stability and provide a legitimate foundation for entrenching a firm culture of constitutionalism. In advocating for an entrenched permanent constitutional review commission to check against frequent and arbitrary constitutional changes, the paper argues that this is the best way for constitutional legitimacy to be sustained throughout the life of a constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relying on complex interdependence as a theoretical approach, this paper investigates the hypothetical damage that the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement could represent for Africa in terms of climate finance. In June 2017, President Donald Trump publicly declared the U.S. intention to withdraw from further participating in the multilateral Paris Agreement. To keen followers and analysts of the U.S. climate policy beyond its borders, such unilateral action was never a surprise. Rather, it is nostalgic of the experience of the Kyoto Protocol, particularly how more or less similar move unduly prolonged the global climate negotiations up till late 2015 when the Paris Agreement came about. Although the Paris Agreement is remarkable as it represents the first states-wide climate deal, it however left a number of issues unresolved. Notable among which is climate finance which has remained the most contentious and of critical concern to developing countries, particularly in Africa. Pitted against the fact that Africa contributes less to climate change and, ironically, the hardest-hit by the phenomenon, the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris Agreement aggravates concerns around climate finance and, indeed, portends additional burdens for a continent that is still struggling to cope with the untoward fallout of climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a philosophical response to an aspect of the youth question in Africa – the question of youth vulnerability and its consequences on the human development outcome. To achieve the desired goal, first, I stretch the concept of pathogenic vulnerability from being more than ordinarily vulnerable to being far more than ordinarily vulnerable. Second, I identify two elements of African cultural structure – primacy of community over the individual and the belief that elders always possess superior knowledge over the youth – that influence and restrict capacity/capabilities in African youth and therefore make their transition to adulthood defective. Consequently, the African youth is deprived of the special opportunity to develop, encounter and explore the various character options from which he/she learns, selects and forms her identity. Third, I argue that these restraints of capacity/capabilities make African youths far more than ordinarily vulnerable to human development outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Financing health care is growing in importance as more and more researchers, governments and other stakeholders see that public health goods and services need to be financed. This work is intended to understand what the underlying problems maybe in getting people to understand the magnitude of national and global emergencies in health and how to get them to obey state and global directives which are for their own safety from a fiscal perspective. Here we show that there is a breakdown in communication between states and their societies that is undermining the ability of African states to guide their people to follow health and safety rules. The findings provide a recommendation that an improvement in transparency and accountability will not only result in better management of emergencies but also build better long term fiscal legitimacy and management of the current and future emergencies and enhance societal trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the Media Appeals Tribunal (MAT) and the Protection of Information Bill (PIB) as potential challenges to freedom of expression and good governance in South Africa. The modus operandi and the objectives of MAT and PIB are presented and examined to indicate whether these may act as threats to freedom of expression and good governance. This paper uses information obtained from academic articles, the South African Constitution, legislative documents, news articles as well as African and international reports. This research finds that if MAT and PIB are passed as laws without substantial amendments in favour of the genuine respect for freedom of media and press, they will potentially lead to the regression of both freedom of expression and good governance and above all, threaten democracy in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collaboration between theatre directors and funding agencies can impede and/or promote the aesthetics and functionality of theatre performances, thus (dis)empowering the ordinary people. The paper, focusing on two performances, The Boomerang and Pamela's Journal sponsored by the Fobang-Mundi Foundation and The Society for Women and AIDS in Africa-Cameroon (SWAA-C), explores the role of institutions and organisations that fund theatre projects in Africa to highlight the impact of patronage, specifically in contexts where the patron-artist relation is evoked. Questioning whether such projects could actually confer "power to the people," depend on the negotiation skills and professionality of the theatre facilitator; the paper focuses on the beneficiaries of commissioned performances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the various ways in which the Bayajidda legend is memorialized. In its current manifestations, the legend can be seen as an important agency for the remembrance of the past in the context of rapid socio-historical change in Africa, under the influence of modernity, technology and globalization. The analysis begins by highlighting the interface between folklore and history in everyday cultural practices in postcolonial northern Nigeria. The signposts that give a coherent structure to the paper include the chronicles of the Bayajidda legend, the essential oral version circulating in its different forms in Hausa society. Over the years, reference to the legend of Bayajidda has always been made through the use of different modes of cultural expression such as song, dramatic performance, film and other forms of narration. This range has served the political and ideological interests of the dominant power elite who are consistently alluding to the Bayajidda legend. The survival of the essential oral narrative therefore depends solely on a strategy of alluding to the legend in its various guises, including the form of museum artifacts, drama, films and musical songs. However, the paper explores each of the specific historical periods from the pre-colonial down to the colonial and postcolonial epochs with a view to highlighting how specific forms of the legend are deployed by hegemonic structures for the purposes of legitimation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing deprivation, neglect and orchestrated politics of exclusion by the Nigerian-state against the people of the Niger Delta can be traced to the structurally-defective and centralized governance arrangements in the Niger Delta. The consequent stiff resistance, violent reactions, militancy and hostage taking triggered by this politics of exclusion in the region have confirmed that people matter in politics. This paper argues that in some ways, the weakness of centralized and structurally-defective governance in the Niger Delta provides an opportunity for community self-governing institutions to play the role that governments and their agencies have abandoned. Using the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework, this paper engages in problem solving and solution seeking strategies that could help restructure the public sphere in the Niger Delta. This paper demonstrates principles and practices needed to make polycentric planning, self-governance and adaptive development strategies resolve socio-economic and political crisis. It is in light of this exigency that this paper develops an African Public Sphere Restructuring Model (APSRM) that derives inspirations and workability mechanisms from twelve (12) African development models that cut across several sectors of the economy in the Niger Delta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economies of war underpinned by greed and opportunities have been posited to underlie causality, dynamics and the sustenance of conflicts – particularly Africa's resource wars. This study examines the economy of conflict in the resource conflicts in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. It found that a conflict economy comprising an intensive and violent struggle for resource opportunities, inter and intra communal/ethnic conflicts over resources, and the theft and trading in refined and crude oil has blossomed since the 1990s. This paper examines the interfaces between the Nigerian state, multinational oil companies, the international community, and youth militias with the economy. This paper found that though the economy did not cause the conflict, it has become a part of the resistance and a resource for sustaining it. The economy underpins an extensive proliferation of arms and the institutions of violence and the pervasiveness of crime, violence and communal/ethnic conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the plight of smuggling of migrants in Africa. Migrant smuggling has been documented along at least five major and several smaller routes in Africa. In my study, I investigate whether current legislation and policies are effective in curbing the practice of smuggling in Africa. To evaluate the success rate of these measures, I am comparing figures over recent years to establish whether there has been a decrease in the number of migrants smuggled throughout the various regions of the continent. In my work, I argue that migration can be better managed but it cannot be stopped. In this framework, in Africa, the current migration policies and cooperation efforts intended to eradicate the practice of smuggling of migrants have given mixed results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Not immune from the nature of international relations, the covid-19 pandemic has invoked the polarizing dichotomies of East-West and North-South as attempts to forge a collective response to fight the disease have only attained mixed results. The discourse of Africa being a battleground of competing foreign interests has consequently emerged. These foreign interests are mainly expressed in terms of economic, security and political benefits. While the pandemic has not changed the motives of competition, it has contributed to new forms of rivalry in what has become to be known as 'coronavirus diplomacy.' This paper reveals that the pandemic is being used to advance political, economic and strategic interests. It thus divulges that, efforts by major powers to help African countries deal with the disease, while appreciated, are not entirely benign. At the heart of such efforts are the "fixed universals" inherent in the realist tradition i.e., state, interest and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I rethink thuggery, an overt form of dissent, as a spatial structural frame. Through a close reading of everyday forms of thuggery in Nigeria, exemplified in literary, musical, and photographic forms, I argue that not only is thuggery ubiquitous in the African postcolony but also that it is the means by which the citizenry assert their citizenship, structure their space, and perform democracy. I use the phrase "proximate thuggery" in two ways: first, to broaden the commonplace definition of thuggery as violent antisocial behavior which does not hold up in many postcolonial states where there seems no line separating the violent from the non-violent, where the insidiously violent masquerades as non-violent; and second, to signal the quotidian nature of dissent and therefore refocus attention on those manifestations of thuggery even in corridors of power. If the purpose of critical cultural studies is to understand a problem from its roots in order to suggest useful solutions, it seems fitting to pay attention to everyday, non-spectacular forms of dissent—for, among other reasons, attention to overt forms of dissent isolates them as anomalies and leads to inadequate solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The object of this paper, based upon a reading of original sources, is to discuss existing narratives on the relationship between the Ottoman Empire and the African continent and to contribute to the elaboration of alternative interpretations, that insist both on the crucial role of the Ottoman provinces of Africa in the definition of the very nature of the Empire and on the depth of the links between the Ottoman realm and the core of the African continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This theoretical paper reviews the current theory about curriculum transformation and renewal in higher education in Africa and, in particular, South Africa. Although the findings are applicable to different universities, the pedagogical approach of North-West University will be the focus. The aim is to understand curriculum responsiveness pertaining to decolonisation and sustainable development that can align with the African Union's proposed Agenda 2063. The epistemology is from a practical public theological paradigm. A single-system research method has been followed to integrate current research about tertiary education curriculum transformation with the latest practice theory. Three different aspects are explored, namely how Agenda 2063 is applicable to higher education in a post-colonial context, the fibre of human relations based on Nagy's contextual theory, and the curriculum as a powerful tool for change. The paper concludes that lecturers and students can join forces in growing towards the Africa they want by active experiential student-centred pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the place of non-economic drivers in China–Africa relations. While existing studies are hinged on economic relations between Beijing and the continent, this study focuses on non-economic aspects that underlie Africa's relations with China. Taking the soft power approach, the paper illuminates on the salience of attractiveness in international politics and interrogates sources of China's attractiveness in the continent and compares China's actions with those of traditional actors for broader empirical coverage and methodological rigour. The authors argue that while economic drivers are an important basis for understanding China–Africa relations, several fundamental features beyond the economic relations supplement the growing relations between Beijing and Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the influences that led to the development of the Free Health Care Initiative (FHCI), which requires the provision of free health services for pregnant women, lactating mothers, and children under the age of five years. The paper will explore the impact of the policy on women actors as both recipients and informal providers of health care in post-war Sierra Leone. Since the end of the Sierra Leone civil war in 2002, there has been much focus on maternal and child health issues due to the staggeringly high maternal and child mortality rates, when compared to the rest of the world. Currently, international considerations exist such as the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) to ensure nations are responsive to women's health concerns. These often externally driven policies may not be based on internal motivation, and may have negative local consequences. Although the FHCI has improved accessibility of clinical services provided by the government by eliminating user fees, a provision was made to eliminate the services of traditional birth attendants (TBAs), who historically provided affordable birth services for women in rural regions of Sierra Leone. The new health policy thus criminalizes the actions of TBAs, stripping them of the ability to practice their craft and earn a living. This paper examines the sometimes-contradictory results inherent when international laws and mandates get translated into local contexts and problematizes the uni-dimensional ways in which women's empowerment is often promoted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-war reconstruction efforts in Sierra Leone combined with global discourses around issues of democracy and participation have, to some extent, created a space for political engagement of traditionally marginalized groups, including women. Women's political engagement has, in recent times, centered around a campaign for a 30% constitutionally mandated gender quota system which, it is believed, will be the most effective way to get more female representation in legislatures as well as close the wide gap that exists numerically between both genders in the public sphere. This paper seeks to examine women's engagement with political processes in Sierra Leone, their long and unsuccessful struggle for a quota system and how all of this fits into a wider struggle for gender justice in Sierra Leone. The main argument raised in this paper is that the gender quota campaign is fraught with challenges because women in the struggle, especially female parliamentarians, have found it difficult to go beyond the borders of their political parties' ideological stance, and organizational boundaries to collectively and successfully advance the campaign. In addition, the campaign seems to be more centralized in the capital with little or no engagement at the community level. Moreover, because of the widening political divide, meaningfully engaging an elite male cadre that has variedly resisted women's full and equal participation in the public sphere remains a challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of 25 years women's health and rights, a difficult journey with steps forward and backwards since the landmark conference in 1994 when reproductive rights were for the first time on the menu. However, although great strides have been made in reducing maternal and child mortality since then, among others by the United Nations with the establishment of the Millennium Development Goals for 2015, showing that change is possible, many countries are still lagging behind in reaching the goals. While the new global architecture, in particular with the Sustainable Development Goals and the Global Strategy for Women's, Children's and Adolescents' Health, ensures that these issues remain high on the political agenda, this paper argues that we must move from political commitment to action, via the creation and dissemination of research evidence. As the Founding President of the Ghent Africa Platform (GAP) at Ghent University, I still believe GAP has an important role to play regarding this international collaboration and dissemination of scientific knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I seek to share some of the insights I have gained from my studies on the African diaspora over the past two decades. It begins by mapping out some of the analytical framings of African Diaspora Studies, with particular reference to the spatial scope and temporal dimensions of the African diaspora. This is followed by an examination of the multiple and multi-layered contributions that African diasporas have made and continue to make to African societies and countries. The paper analyses some of the challenges that undermine more productive engagements between the diasporas and their countries or regions of origin. The paper concludes by focusing an academic initiatives that aim to strengthen the project of engaging African diasporas for Africa's sustainable development, namely, the Carnegie African Diaspora Fellowship Program. Résumé: Dans cet article, je cherche à partager quelques-unes des connaissances que j' ai tirées des études que j' ai menées sur la diaspora africaine au cours de ces vingt dernières années. Je commence par décrire certains des cadres analytiques des Études sur la diaspora africaine, en me référant en particulier au champ spatial et aux dimensions temporelles de la diaspora africaine. S' ensuit un examen des contributions aux dimensions et aux couches multiples que les diasporas africaines ont apportées et continuent d' apporter aux sociétés et aux pays africains. Cet article analyse ensuite certains des défis qui minent des engagements plus productifs entre les diasporas et leurs pays ou régions d' origine. Pour conclure, l' article se concentre sur une initiative universitaire qui vise à renforcer le projet d' engagement des diasporas africaines dans le développement durable de l' Afrique, à savoir le "Carnegie African Diaspora Fellowship Program". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world of study and engagement on religion and public life has become rather colorful and crowded of late, filled with all sorts of disciplinary specialists and actors. Working in this multi- and interdisciplinary space can be engaging or terrifying, given its opportunities and absence of clear boundaries and definitions. The papers in this edition examine the interdisciplinary space between "religion" and "the public" in Africa - with a focus on the intersection of religion, development and public health. The authors argue that achieving genuine dialogue, collaboration or transdisciplinarity in this space is elusive, but worthwhile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corruption is a threat to human rights as it erodes accountability and violates many international human rights conventions. It also undermines basic principles and values like equality, non-discrimination, human dignity, and social justice - especially in African countries where democratic systems and institutional arrangements are less developed than in most European, Asian and American countries. Corruption occurs in both the public and private sectors and affects human rights by deteriorating institutions and diminishing public trust in government. Corruption impairs the ability of governments to fulfil their obligations and ensure accountability in the implementation and protection of human rights - particularly socio-economic rights pertinent to the delivery of economic and social services. This is because corruption diverts funds into private pockets - impeding delivery of services, and thereby perpetuating inequality, injustice and unfairness. This considered, the focus of this paper is on public procurement corruption. It is argued that by applying a human rightsbased approach to combating public procurement corruption, the violation of human rights - particularly socio-economic rights - can be significantly reduced. Through a human rights-based approach, ordinary people can be empowered to demand transparency, accountability and responsibility from elected representatives and public officials - particularly those involved in public procurement. In the paper, reference is made to selected aspects of the national legal frameworks of five African countries: South Africa, Uganda, Kenya, Nigeria and Botswana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present a new, lexicon-based phylogeny of 34 Southern Bantu languages, and combine it with previous insights from linguistics, archaeology, and genetics to study the history of Southern Bantu languages and their speakers. Our phylogeny shows all Southern Bantu languages to derive from a single, direct ancestor, which contrasts with archaeological evidence indicating separate migrations of Bantu speakers into southern Africa. This suggests that the Bantu languages spoken by the first migrants became extinct, and the ancestor of present-day Southern Bantu languages only emerged in southern Africa during the second millennium CE. We also map the distribution of previously established or suspected Khoisan-derived linguistic features in Southern Bantu languages onto this phylogeny. Evidence for intensive contact with speakers of Khoisan languages also comes from population genetics, which shows that Khoisan linguistic influence is mainly seen in languages spoken by populations displaying a higher degree of genetic admixture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The date, 18 December 2009, left the world perturbed, as global leaders failed to reach consensus on a legally binding climate deal in Copenhagen. Since Bali 2007, much work had been done on preparing for a fair, ambitious and legally binding climate deal. Accordingly, the non-binding Copenhagen (political) Accord was concluded paving the way for further talks in Mexico in 2010. However, the African continent maintained that it had received a raw deal. This paper presents the African Group's climate position and analyses the implications of the Copenhagen Accord for the continent. The paper also presents a way forward for Mexico and beyond. The conclusion urges African governments to hold onto the gains of Copenhagen 2009 and to continue pushing for a fair, ambitious and legally binding climate deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reconstruction theology in Africa has been the latest theological project coming out of Africa, beginning in 1990 it has gradually established itself and from 2003 a number of publications have come out on the subject. This paper seeks to make an addition to this growing list of publications. In this paper, I question the validity of the blame of external forces for all the woes that Africa is going through now. I instead propose that a functional reconstruction theology should primarily tackle the evil that we commit against ourselves. When we deal with this evil we have a likelihood of bringing African people into a proper unified group that can stand together against foreign elements. I also take issue with the selection of Nehemiah as the model upon which we can do our reconstruction theology. It is in this context that this paper suggests the prophet Amos over and above Jesus as the right model needed to confront the sort of problems we face as Africans. There is need for the church in Africa to undergo a reconstruction of its own after which the church can lead in the African reconstruction. This paper brings to the fore the painful realities of internally perpetrated evils, which are bigger than has been appreciated in many earlier contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue of Islamic Africa brings together new critical perspectives on the status of Islamic Family Law, commonly referred to as sharīʿa , within four African countries – Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique and Senegal – each reflecting distinctive gendered cultural, colonial and postcolonial realities. The introduction provides a general overview of the state of the art on Islamic family law in Africa and highlights the significant thematic focus of each contribution and the new areas for further inquiry that the volume opens. These topics and questions include among others: (a) the ways in which European colonialism and contemporary democratization processes have opened spaces for religious pluralism, thereby shaping the articulation of Muslim personal law within different African postcolonial state judicial systems; (b) how Islamic judicial practices, institutions, and authorities such as malamai and/or Kadhis engage themselves with the secular state and/or are constrained by both the state and by the legal pluralism encountered within both Muslim majority and minority African countries; (c) the gendered implications of the hierarchical relation between Kadhi Courts and a national High Court; (d) the benefits and/or shortcomings of harmonizing Islamic Family Law; (e) what is to be learnt from women choosing to settle marital disputes and divorce within and/or outside the "legal protective space" afforded by the state judicial system and its inclusion of Islamic Family Law; (f) the role of human agency in influencing the administration of Islamic family law and/or interpreting the law; how judicial systems that are shaped by European and Islamic patriarchal systems confronted by the resilience of indigenous matrilineal Customary Law within contemporary African societies; and (g) the compatibility between the various articulation of African Islamic family laws with universal human rights and individual freedom. Ultimately, this special issue of Islamic Africa offers an insightful reflection on how Islamic Family Law plays an important role in democratic constitution-making or testing processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The arrival of Christianity in Africa witnessed varieties of African response. Each of the patterns of the response has received attention from scholars of various milieus. Missionary historiographers for instance see African initial resistance as the battle of Satan to keep the gospel from invading his so called kingdom; this led to an alliance between the missionaries and European colonial forces that caused Africans' acceptance of Christianity through imposition. Many scholars have interpreted this imposition to mean that "pagandom" has been defeated and African primal religion has retreated. However, a series of movements emerged for religious independence, manifesting Africa's attempts to forge a new identity. This paper adopts evolutionist theory and the culture lag theory to provide insight into the interface of this great encounter that produced a movement for social and religious change; a reflection of the echoes of African religio-cultural heritage and a manifestation of an enduring covenant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents an ethnographic study of conceptualizations of nodding syndrome (NS) in Uganda. NS is a poorly understood condition characterized by repetitive nodding of the head, mental retardation and stunted growth, which affects thousands of children in northern Uganda, South Sudan and Tanzania. Although extensive research for causative agents has been conducted, no convincing single cause has been reported. This study establishes an understanding of different representations of NS and argues that the episodes of head nodding are related to the sociopolitical body in which they are manifested. Three interwoven approaches towards NS take main stage whereby the syndrome is presented as a biomedical, spiritual and/or political problem. The conceptualizations are linked to different notions of healing and affected families combine various forms of therapy. Through the examination of different narratives, this study disrupts the idea of a singular perspective on illness and pleads for a focus on motion and plurality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article engages the work of two prominent but recently deceased scholars of African Christianity—the Gambian Lamin Sanneh and the Cameroonian Fabien Eboussi Boulaga. It argues that their reinterpretation of Christianity is designed to develop an imagination of resistance in the context of western domination in Africa. Sanneh approaches the matter from a historical perspective through which he narrates the emergence of a new form of Christianity, leading to his important distinction between "world Christianity" and "global Christianity." Boulaga approaches the issue from the perspective of philosophical theology, through which he developed the "Christic model" as central to appropriating the Christian faith in Africa. The paper argues that one can hardly understand why Sanneh distinguishes between global and world Christianity and why Boulaga develops the radical Christic model, if one fails to locate their work within the framework of problematizing dynamics of western domination in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper recounts the autobiography of an evangelical South Sudanese pastor who has been under water to the land of demons, telling of cosmic flows of persons, power, and wealth between times, places, and dimensions. Although it builds on stories circulating across Africa since colonial times and emphasises paradigms found throughout the occult economies literature, what is significant about this autobiography is that it relates the narrator's own experience. This is important because although these occult elements reference global processes, the narrative given is as much about the local as it is the global. Likewise, it as much spiritual as it is material or economic. My analysis thus goes beyond the occult economy or its material effects and instead demonstrates the ontological alterity and spiritual meaningfulness of such incursions and attempts to push the envelope of academic analyses and interpretations relating to the diverse complexity of religious experience, African or otherwise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Miniaturized stone tools made by controlled fracture are reported from nearly every continent where archaeologists have systematically looked for them. While similarities in technology are acknowledged between regions, few detailed inter-regional comparative studies have been conducted. Our paper addresses this gap, presenting results of a comparative lithic technological study between Klipfonteinrand and Sehonghong – two large rock shelters in southern Africa. Both sites contain Late Glacial (~18-11 kcal BP) lithic assemblages, though they are located in regions with different geologies, climates and environments. Results demonstrate that lithic miniaturization manifests differently in these different regions. Both assemblages provide evidence for small blade production, though key differences exist in terms of the specific technological composition of this evidence, the raw materials selected, the role played by bipolar reduction and the manner in which lithic reduction was organized. Patterned variability of this nature demonstrates that humans deployed miniaturized technologies strategically in relation to local conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction of Western healthcare, via colonialism, into Africa facilitated a confrontation of indigenous and exogenous "medical" knowledge as well as the attendant praxis. Although colonialism has been expunged from the shores of Africa, the epistemic and ideological frictions it introduced into the sphere of healthcare linger and raise different dilemmas. Against this background, this paper explores pragmatic and ethical approaches that may help engage these tensions in the context of drug development based on validated traditional phytomedicines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]