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Since the 1990s, human trafficking has become the battleground for competing discourses on human rights and penality. While rights solutions are generally presented as in opposition to crime-control measures, in the context of anti-trafficking interventions, rights-based initiatives and criminal governance are often linked together both discursively and in practice. Drawing on the findings of Discourse Analysis of 120 texts about trafficking, this paper explores how dominant discourses and alternative voices construct the relationship between human rights and penality. It is contended that penality is framed as a crucial tenet of human rights. Dominant discourses (the 'law enforcement' and the 'victims first' discourses) link human rights to state coercive action, seen as a necessary component of their effectiveness. Alternative voices (the 'incompatibility' and the 'transformative justice' discourses) reject the appropriateness of penal intervention, but they end up preserving what they denounce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We are interested in the possible contributions of mathematical modelling of crime. We refer to numerous and quite recent papers that analyse and discuss empirical data in an attempt to discover stylised trends worthy of being understood through simple models. We summarise part of this literature and try to understand the reasons of important discrepancies in their conclusions. Then we present some recent modelling attempts that may help to understand the large variance in the statistical-based conclusions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks what crime prevention looks like for residents in informal settlements in Khayelitsha, a black township on the outskirts of Cape Town. It engages with the idea of vigilantism and hybrid policing formations, analyzing the overlaps and intersections between legal community-based crime prevention initiatives, and local 'punitive practices'. The focus is not on the intensely violent spectacle of 'mob justice', where suspects are killed, but on the more ubiquitous, hybrid formations that also fall on the vigilantism continuum. These include coercive practices such as banishment, corporal punishment, retrieval of stolen goods by local policing formations and, trials conducted by street committees. The core argument I make is that, at times, particularly in poor areas where the state is absent and encourages citizens to take responsibility for their own crime prevention, the boundary between legality and coercive illegality collapses in on itself. Thus, the notion of voluntarism, that is so important to official discourse on crime, is particularly problematic when applied in poor communities with high rates of unemployment and high crime rates. As such, the state's encouraging of citizens to take responsibility for their own safety, alongside a punitive state discourse on crime and criminality, creates the space for illegal vigilante style actions to emerge in the shadow of legal crime prevention initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we explore some of the various issues that may occur in attempting to fit a dynamical systems (either agent- or continuum-based) model of urban crime to data on just the attack times and locations. We show how one may carry out a regression analysis for the model described by Short et al. (2008, Math. Mod. Meth. Appl. Sci.) by using simulated attack data from the agent-based model. It is discussed how one can incorporate the attack data into the partial differential equations for the expected attractiveness to burgle and the criminal density to predict crime rates between attacks. Using this predicted crime rate, we derive a likelihood function that one can maximise in order to fit parameters and/or initial conditions for the model. We focus on carrying out data assimilation for two different parameter regions, namely in the case where stationary and non-stationary crime hotspots form. It is found that the likelihood function is ‘flat’ for large ranges of parameters, and that this has major implications for crime forecasting. Hence, we look at how one might carry out a goodness-of-fit and forecasting analysis for crime rates given the range of parameter fits. We show how one can use the Kolmogorov–Smirnov statistic to assess the goodness-of-fit. The dynamical systems analysis of the partial differential equations proves invaluable to understanding how the crime rate forecasts depend on the parameters and their sensitivity. Finally, we outline several interesting directions for future research in this area where we believe that the combination of dynamical systems modelling, analysis, and data assimilation can prove effective in developing policing strategies for urban crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A great deal of research presents the correspondence between economic conditions and incumbent electoral fortunes as evidence of democratic accountability. A central theoretical mechanism for this phenomenon is that voters have information about performance. Using communications data consisting of more than 110,000 government press releases from cities in the US combined with fine-grained economic and crime data, I leverage the breadth of local variation in conditions to assess the inputs to this mechanism behind accountability. I provide causal evidence that government communication changes as a result of performance in a strategic manner: local politicians are more likely to communicate about both economic conditions and crime when performance is improving—better wages and less crime—than when performance is worse. These findings add direct evidence from the underutilized area of local politics that politicians strategically communicate in a way that threatens accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anti-crime policy is often unresponsive to reductions in crime. To address why, we provide a model and empirical test of how citizens' anti-crime policy preferences respond to information. Our model shows that preferences for anti-crime policy hinge on expectations about the crime rate: punitive policies are preferred in high crime contexts, whereas social policies are preferred in low crime contexts. We evaluate these expectations through an information experiment embedded in the 2017 Latin American Public Opinion Project survey conducted in Panama. As expected by our theory, a high crime message induced stronger preferences in favour of punitive policies. Unanticipated by our theory, but in line with cursory evidence and survey results, we find that a low crime message did not induce stronger preferences in favour of social policies. These findings are consistent with policy ratcheting: punitive policies increase during periods of high crime and remain in place during periods of low crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do differences in worldview ideology hinder people from objectively interpreting the effect of immigration? In an experiment with Swedish adults (n = 1015), we investigate whether people display motivated reasoning when interpreting numerical information about the effects of refugee intake on crime rate. Our results show clear evidence of motivated reasoning along the lines of worldview ideology (i.e., whether people identify themselves primarily as nationally oriented or globally oriented). In scenarios where refugee intake was associated with higher crime rate, nationally oriented people were 18 percentage points more likely to make the correct assessment compared to globally oriented people. Likewise, in scenarios where refugee intake was associated with lower crime rate, nationally oriented people were 20 percentage points less likely to make the correct assessment compared to globally oriented people. Individuals with higher numeric ability were less likely to engage in motivated reasoning, suggesting that motivated reasoning more commonly is driven by feelings and emotional cues rather than deliberate analytical processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can corrective information change citizens' misperceptions about immigrants and subsequently lead to favorable immigration opinions? While prior studies from the USA document how corrections about the size of minority populations fail to change citizens' immigration-related opinions, they do not examine how other facts that speak to immigrants' cultural or economic dependency rates can influence immigration policy opinions. To extend earlier work, we conducted a large-scale survey experiment fielded to a nationally representative sample of Danes. We randomly expose participants to information about non-Western immigrants' (1) welfare dependency rate, (2) crime rate, and (3) proportion of the total population. We find that participants update their factual beliefs in light of correct information, but reinterpret the information in a highly selective fashion, ultimately failing to change their policy preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many countries have reduced refugee admissions in recent years, in part due to fears that refugees and asylum seekers increase crime rates and pose a national security risk. Existing research presents ambiguous expectations about the consequences of refugee resettlement on crime. We leverage a natural experiment in the United States, where an Executive Order by the president in January 2017 halted refugee resettlement. This policy change was sudden and significant—it resulted in the lowest number of refugees resettled on US soil since 1977 and a 66% drop in resettlement from 2016 to 2017. In this article, we find that there is no discernible effect on county-level property or violent crime rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Criminal offending is strongly transmitted across generations.Aims: To clarify the contribution of rearing environment to cross-generational transmission of crime.Method: Using Swedish national registries, we identified 1176 full-sibling and 3085 half-sibling sets from high-risk families where at least one sibling was adopted and the other raised by the biological parents.Results: Risk for criminal conviction was substantially lower in the full- and half-siblings who were adopted v. home-reared (hazard ratios (HR) = 0.56, 95% CI 0.50-0.64 and 0.60, 95% CI 0.56-0.65, respectively). The protective effect of adoption was significantly stronger in sibships with two v. one high-risk parent.Conclusions: Using matched high-risk full- and half-siblings, we found replicated evidence that (a) rearing environment has a strong impact on risk for criminal conviction, (b) high-quality rearing environments have especially strong effects in those at high familial risk for criminal offending and (c) the protective effects of adoption are stronger for more severe crimes and for repeated offending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Secure hospitals are a high-cost, low-volume service consuming around a fifth of the overall mental health budget in England and Wales.Aims: A systematic review and meta-analysis of adverse outcomes after discharge along with a comparison with rates in other clinical and forensic groups in order to inform public health and policy.Method: We searched for primary studies that followed patients discharged from a secure hospital, and reported mortality, readmissions or reconvictions. We determined crude rates for all adverse outcomes.Results: In total, 35 studies from 10 countries were included, involving 12 056 patients out of which 53% were violent offenders. The crude death rate for all-cause mortality was 1538 per 100 000 person-years (95% CI 1175-1901). For suicide, the crude death rate was 325 per 100 000 person-years (95% CI 235-415). The readmission rate was 7208 per 100 000 person-years (95% CI 5916-8500). Crude reoffending rates were 4484 per 100 000 person-years (95% CI 3679-5287), with lower rates in more recent studies.Conclusions: There is some evidence that patients discharged from forensic psychiatric services have lower offending outcomes than many comparative groups. Services could consider improving interventions aimed at reducing premature mortality, particularly suicide, in discharged patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In just the last forty years, imprisonment has been transformed from an event experienced by only the most marginalized to a common stage in the life course of American men—especially Black men with low levels of educational attainment. Although much research considers the causes of the prison boom and how the massive uptick in imprisonment has shaped crime rates and the life course of the men who experience imprisonment, in recent years, researchers have gained a keen interest in the spillover effects of mass imprisonment on families, children, and neighborhoods. Unfortunately, although this new wave of research documents the generally harmful effects of having a family member or loved one incarcerated, it remains unclear how much the prison boom shapes social inequality through these spillover effects because we lack precise estimates of the racial inequality in connectedness—through friends, family, and neighbors—to prisoners. Using the 2006 General Social Survey, we fill this pressing research gap by providing national estimates of connectedness to prisoners—defined in this article as knowing someone who is currently imprisoned, having a family member who is currently imprisoned, having someone you trust who is currently imprisoned, or having someone you know from your neighborhood who is currently imprisoned—for Black and White men and women. Most provocatively, we show that 44% of Black women (and 32% of Black men) but only 12% of White women (and 6% of White men) have a family member imprisoned. This means that about one in four women in the United States currently has a family member in prison. Given these high rates of connectedness to prisoners and the vast racial inequality in them, it is likely that mass imprisonment has fundamentally reshaped inequality not only for the adult men for whom imprisonment has become common, but also for their friends and families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public Law 280 transferred jurisdiction over criminal and civil matters from the federal to state governments and increased the extent of nontribal law enforcement in selected parts of Indian country. Where enacted, the law fundamentally altered the preexisting legal order. Public Law 280 thus provides a unique opportunity to study the impact of legal institutions and their change on socioeconomic outcomes. The law's controversial content has attracted interest from legal scholars. However, empirical studies of its impact are scarce and do not address the law's endogenous nature. We examine the law's impact on crime and on economic development in U. S. counties with significant American-Indian reservation population. To address the issue of selection of areas subject to Public Law 280, our empirical strategy draws on the law's politico-historical context. We find that the application of Public Law 280 increased crime and lowered incomes. The law's adverse impact is robust and noteworthy in magnitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although relations between political violence and child adjustment are well documented, longitudinal research is needed to adequately address the many questions remaining about the contexts and developmental trajectories underlying the effects on children in areas of political violence. The study examined the relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and adolescent adjustment problems over 4 consecutive years. Participants included 999 mother–child dyads (482 boys, 517 girls), M ages = 12.18 (SD = 1.82), 13.24 (SD = 1.83), 13.61 (SD = 1.99), and 14.66 (SD = 1.96) years, respectively, living in socially deprived neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, a context of historical and ongoing political violence. In examining trajectories of adjustment problems, including youth experience with both sectarian and nonsectarian antisocial behaviors, sectarian antisocial behavior significantly predicted more adjustment problems across the 4 years of the study. Experiencing sectarian antisocial behavior was related to increased adolescent adjustment problems, and this relationship was accentuated in neighborhoods characterized by higher crime rates. The discussion considers the implications for further validating the distinction between sectarian and nonsectarian violence, including consideration of neighborhood crime levels, from the child's perspective in a setting of political violence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper1 we introduce a family of models to describe the spatio-temporal dynamics of criminal activity. It is argued here that with a minimal set of mechanisms corresponding to elements that are basic in the study of crime, one can observe the formation of hot spots. By analysing the simplest versions of our model, we exhibit a self-organised critical state of illegal activities that we propose to call a warm spot or a tepid milieu2 depending on the context. It is characterised by a positive level of illegal or uncivil activity that maintains itself without exploding, in contrast with genuine hot spots where localised high level or peaks are being formed. Within our framework, we further investigate optimal policy issues under the constraint of limited resources in law enforcement and deterrence. We also introduce extensions of our model that take into account repeated victimisation effects, local and long range interactions, and briefly discuss some of the resulting effects such as hysteresis phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 30 years, the U.S. inmate population has increased dramatically, and the penal system has acquired growing attention in accounts of recent trends in economic stratification. As the prison system has expanded, its population has aged; incarceration rates have risen sharpest among older age groups. A large body of research documents differences in criminal offending and incarceration over the life course, but little attention has been paid to how the effects of spending time in prison depend on the timing of incarceration in the life course. Using state administrative data that provide significant variance in the age of offenders, this article investigates how the timing of incarceration in the life course influences its effects on post-release employment and wages. We do not find consistent evidence that incarceration effects vary by age at admission. Instead, incarceration appears to have important consequences for employment and wage outcomes regardless of when individuals are admitted to prison. Even the most motivated offenders suffer sizeable and significant wage penalties and, over time, decreased likelihood of employment. These findings underscore the relevance of legal and institutional shifts associated with carceral expansion and the aging of the inmate population for life course theories of criminal desistance, accounts of labor market inequality, and prisoner reentry programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article challenges the prevailing scholarly belief that women have always been at the periphery of crime and argues that a central issue for those studying the criminal process should be the decline over time of women as criminal offenders and defendants. Our argument rests on examination of criminal cases in the Old Bailey in London for 1687-1912, as well as of data drawn from English and some American courts for this period. For much of the eighteenth century women made up a substantial portion (over 45 percent at times) of all those indicted for felony offenses, in sharp contrast to contemporary levels of less that 15 percent. We conclude that the change is "real"—it cannot be explained away as an artifact of selective reporting, shifting jurisdiction, short-lived idiosyncratic enforcement policies, etc. We argue that these changes parallel and may be explained by significant shifts in the roles accorded women in the economy, the family, and society, and we conclude that the vanishing female in the criminal process may reflect a shift to more private forms of social control brought on by shifting social attitudes and the rise of industrialism.

The article analyzes widely recognized shortcomings of the Federal Bureau of Investigation statistics as measures of crime with a focus on the scope for reactivity. In relation to political pressure and crime reports, measures that are related to getting crime rates down in the U. S. are discussed. Statistics were widely used to evaluate the effectiveness of strategies of crime control. Evaluation of the effectiveness of crime control programs typically depends upon crime statistics of the kind that are collected for the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) program. UCR program was administered by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). Patterns of data that are related to District of Columbia are analyzed. Comparisons with other cities such as Baltimore and philadelphia are made. The analysis focuses on reactivity of measures of the crime. Implications of reactivity for analysis of the impact of public policy are also discussed. It is concluded that the UCR system is found to be useless as a tool for evaluation of social policy.

This article proposes a methodology of conducting a citizen evaluation on the public's satisfaction with police service. Police have traditionally relied on crime statistics as an indication of how well they are carrying out their duties. Preventing crime and apprehending criminals are, of course, primary goals of a police force. But to assess performance by this single standard is to discount many other services which police departments provide, services which help to maintain order but contribute only indirectly to crime control. For some time now, the Inspectional Services Unit (ISU) of the Baltimore Police Department had been performing a routine check on the response to calls for service. The Baltimore Police Department's efforts to monitor its performance with a quality control check raised the possibility of standardizing the procedure for use by other departments in the country. After several months of working closely with ISU, a method was developed that would provide a simple basis for comparison over time or among different departments. The major task was to construct an interview schedule, which included most of the features of the unstructured interview then in use.

A number of measures of the criminal environments of two communities demonstrate that the sample living in the area with the higher official crime rate was more concerned about the local crime problems than was the sample from the low crime rate suburbs. Support for the law, measured by the number of crimes a subject expressed a willingness to report to the police, also showed a significant cross-sample differences, with the residents of the high crime rate urban area being less willing to call the police. This inverse relationship between criminal environment and support for the law was also tested within each sample, and it was found that while the relationship was not statistically significant for either sample, it was in the direction expected, that is the more crime perceived, the less support for the law. Three explanations for this relationship were explored, all of which probably have value in explaining the inverse relationship between criminal environment and support for the law.