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The Anti-Extradition Bill protests in 2019 culminated in an unprecedented level of violence that departed from the established peaceful social struggles in Hong Kong. This paper examines the evolution of protest repertoires by analysing the interactions between protesters and state actors on a local and global scale. A dataset is presented to show the type, frequency and distribution of tactics. This paper reveals that structural and cultural changes as well as activists' cognitive, affective and relational transformations at the micro- and meso-levels were pertinent to tactical radicalization. Cognitively, militant tactics were pragmatic responses to state-sponsored violence and police violence. They were also the affective outcomes of grief and anger. These processes were intertwined with the relational dynamics that advocated horizontal mobilization and that shaped, and were shaped by, the political-economic interactions between China and the West. The result was an extensive use of violent tactics alongside innovations in non-violent tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the globe, movements are confronting states and elites, challenging inequalities and mobilising for greater justice, a stronger voice, and progressive policy changes. In this article, I bridge the divide between Social Policy and the interdisciplinary field of Social Movement Studies. I examine how and why social movements, as actors in policy fields and social movement theories, matter for social policy. I argue that research on social movements as actors and engagement with social movement theories can open new horizons in Social Policy research by advancing our understanding of the politics of policy from a global perspective and strengthening our analytical and explanatory frameworks of agency, ideas, and power in the study of continuity and change of policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the motivations of young Ukrainian immigrants to support the Euromaidan from abroad. Existing research has documented social movements within their national boundaries and the participation of young people in them. However, it has rarely examined the expansion of social movements beyond their national boundaries and the engagement of young immigrants in such movements. Drawing on a larger qualitative study, this article presents the findings about what motivated 24 young Ukrainian immigrants residing in the USA to support the Euromaidan movement of 2013–2014 and compares their motivations to those of the protestors in Ukraine. We argue that motivations of young Ukrainian immigrants to support the Euromaidan from abroad manifest themselves in symbolic or psychological causes. Our findings demonstrate that the individual motivations were driven by an ideological commitment to systemic change in Ukraine, manifested through young Ukrainian immigrants' (1) desire to end injustice, (2) solidarity with fellow Ukrainians, (3) moral obligation to raise awareness among the US public, and, most prominently, (4) sense of agency to contribute to the long-awaited change in the homeland. Our findings also show that overall, the motivations of young Ukrainian immigrants to join the movement aligned with those of the protestors in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a long and distinguished history of ethical thought in both business and medicine dating back to ancient times. Yet, the emergence of distinct academic disciplines ["business ethics" and "bioethics"] which are also tied to broader social movements is a very recent phenomenon. In spite of the apparent affinities that would seem to emerge from this connection, many have argued that the differences between business and medicine make any constructive interaction between business ethics and bioethics minimal. Indeed, little has been done to specifically examine the potential for collaboration and interdisciplinary research. This paper argues that there is considerable potential for constructive interaction between these two movements based on three major arguments: that the differences between medicine and business have been exaggerated, that both fields face a number of urgent problems that are common to each, and that the model of bioethics can serve as a useful guide for business ethicists [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the role of protest music in the biggest social movement of recent Turkish history. It is the result of three years of fieldwork triangulating musical and cultural analysis with ethnographic methods. Motives of the protest, strategies of the movement, agency of musicians and participatory performances are investigated and contextualised in an analysis of Turkey's cultural changes. The function of music shifted from framing the protest to encouraging political action and fostering a sense of belonging to the collective identity of the Gezi Park movement. Music even became political activism. By underlining different functions played by music in the case of the Gezi Park movement, this article problematises the relevance of music for social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the Responsible Procreation campaign of Acción Cultural Popular (ACPO) within the context of "zones of crisis" characterized not only by the legacy of long-standing violence but by tensions experienced within the Catholic Church and Colombian society at large during the tumultuous decades of the 1960s and 1970s. ACPO centered its Responsible Procreation campaign on a radical critique of authoritarian and exclusionary gender relations that could only be remedied by guaranteeing women's access to education and their participation as equals in household and community decision making. As a Catholic-affiliated organization, ACPO enjoyed legitimacy many secular organizations did not, enabling it to provide spaces where rural Colombians, especially women, could experiment with voice and agency and explore alternative visions of citizenship and community development without fear of reprisal or social ostracism. Christian social activism, the essay concludes, often laid the basis for the proliferation today of social movements spearheaded by rural women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how activists used a parliamentary petition to overcome legal and political barriers and mobilize openly for gay rights for the first time in Singapore. Unlike societies where rights mobilization has political legitimacy, exercising and claiming rights in the de facto one-party state are non-conformist behaviours and face greater limitations. Gay rights activists in Singapore not only struggle with the state and their opponents over the right to equality; compared to their counterparts in liberal democracies, they also have to overcome stronger restrictions on political access and civil-political liberties that enable or protect rights mobilization. This paper therefore describes and analyzes a politics of rights under authoritarian conditions and the complicated consequences of legal resistance and rights mobilization. Although the petition campaign transformed collective grievances, expanded activists' support base, and opened up new tactical possibilities, it also provoked intense, third-party opposition and foreclosed other avenues of mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, there has been renewed public discussion regarding the relationship between women’s equality and their traditional responsibility for carework. In this essay, we analyze the structures of choice and constraint that continue to produce the gender division of family labor and thus women's unequal participation in the public sphere. We conceptualize this as a problem of democratic freedom, one that requires building institutional pathways to sustain women's participation. Drawing on Nancy Hirschmann's arguments about processes of social construction and their relation to freedom, we argue that gender inequality in the public sphere means that women are unfree, in the sense that they are not participating as peers in the material and discursive processes of social construction that then help to shape their own desires and decisions. We use that framework to analyze the current landscape in which different subgroups of women make decisions about paid labor and care work. Our goal is to bring into view the way the social construction of desire interacts with the material context to underwrite inequality between women and men and across different groups of women. Gender equality and the project of democracy require participatory parity between women and men in the public sphere. We therefore turn in our last section to an effort to imagine how public policies could construct pathways that can help interrupt and undo the gender division of labor, and thus better support democratic freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ABSTRACT. This study offers the first systematic analysis of the impact of press-state relations, or media systems, on the HIV/AIDS news agenda in African news coverage. The premise is that media systems play a determining role in the degree to which journalists can independently advocate for social change when covering HIV/AIDS. Drawing on comparative research, four sub-Saharan countries were categorized into two media systems: Contained Democratic (South Africa, Nigeria) and Repressive Autocratic (Zimbabwe, Kenya). A sample of HIV/AIDS stories (n = 393) published from 2002-2007 in each country's leading Anglophone newspaper was content analyzed. Across all coverage, the topic of social costs was framed more for the responsibility borne by nongovernmental agents than governmental agents. In Contained Democratic media systems, however, story emphasis shifted toward government agents taking responsibility for addressing the social costs of HIV/AIDS. Prevention campaigns were framed more as progress than decline across all newspapers; however, campaigns were reported as being more efficacious in Contained Democratic systems than in Repressive Autocratic systems. No impact of media system on framing of medical developments was found. Results show the value of comparative analysis in understanding the agenda-setting process: with greater emphasis on positive efficacy and government initiative, the news agenda in Contained Democratic media systems can facilitate stronger positive societal-level responses than the news agenda in Repressive Autocratic media systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese leaders have repeatedly insisted upon the contemporary relevance of the ‘War of Resistance to Japan’ (1937–1945). However, the content of the official history of the war and the lessons drawn from it have changed dramatically from 1949 through 2010. This paper begins by reviewing theories of collective remembrance and then covers four historical periods: China's ‘benevolent amnesia’ on Japan's wartime atrocities before 1982; China's patriotic education campaign from the mid-1980s; the rise of history activism in China in the late 1990s; and the post-2005 reversal in official rhetoric on Japan and the wartime past. It concludes that, while the party-state retains an impressive capacity to shape the narratives of critical periods of modern Chinese history, Chinese leaders are likely to find themselves increasingly constrained by domestic forces and by external events beyond their control. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As “music of commitment,” in the period from the late 1970s to the late 1980s rock music in Yugoslavia had an important purpose of providing a popular-cultural outlet for the unique forms of socio-cultural critique that engaged with the realities and problems of Yugoslav society. The three “music movements” that embodied the new rock'n'roll spirit - New Wave, New Primitives, and New Partisans - used rock music to critique the country's “new socialist culture,” with the purpose of helping to eliminate the disconnect between the ideal and the reality of socialist Yugoslavia. This paper examines the New Partisans as the most radical expression of music of commitment through the works of its most important rock bands: Bijelo dugme, Plavi orkestar, and Merlin. The paper's argument is that the New Partisans' socio-cultural engagement, animated by advocacy of Yugoslavism, was a counter-logic to the nationalist dissolution of a distinctly Yugoslav fabric of a socialist community in crisis. Thus, the movement's revolutionary “spirit of reconstruction” permeating its “poetics of the patriotic” was a mechanism of socio-cultural resistance to political, cultural and moral-ethical de-Yugoslavization of Yugoslav society. Its ultimate objective was to make the case that the only way into the future - if there was to be any - rested on strategic reanimation of the Partisan revolutionary past as the only viable socio-cultural foundation of the Yugoslav socialist community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about the role of civil society after violent conflict. It argues that the transformations that civil society organisations (CSOs) make are more ambiguous than supporting donors and NGOs presume. The article analyses how, ten years after the 1996 peace agreements, Guatemalan CSOs deal with agrarian conflict. It discusses in detail the case of a church-related organisation assisting peasants with agrarian conflicts and the challenges it faced in defining its strategies. The article argues that supporting donors and NGOs should stop seeing the difficulties of organisational change in post-conflict situations exclusively in terms of the internal incapacities of civil society. Instead, they should re-politicise their analyses and focus on the importance of broader social and political processes in post-conflict settings for the strategic options open to CSOs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The striking development of Chilean public primary education during the nineteenth century has often been noted, Existing explanations emphasize industrialization and social change in shaping societal demand for schooling, and elite consensus, the role of individual leaders, and low levels of inequality and social heterogeneity in shaping the state's educational provision. This article complements existing state-centered arguments by showing that the institutions of local and regional administration were also crucial in transforming policy changes into real progress in primary education. As Chilean schooling spread and became systematized over the course of the nineteenth century, local state officials not only effectively carried out the state's educational policies but also refined it independently and even pushed for the deepening of educational development, and particularly the systematic control of schooling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes Salvadoran newspaper coverage of a social movement struggle that emerged in 2002 to prevent the privatization of the health-care system. Movement groups pursued their policy goals through both extrainstitutional protest and formal legislative channels. Through an analysis of news content, this article examines whether these different components of the movement's claims-making repertoire influenced the portrayal of the movement's goals, actors, and actions by one of the major Salvadoran news dailies. The analysis reveals that, compared to protest events, legislative processes that the movement set in motion generated coverage that was more sympathetic to the movement and that presented greater interrogation of government and elite plans for health-care reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A vast body of literature emphasizes that successful political development relies on stable and united political parties that underpin clear and responsive policymaking. By this perspective, divided government and party volatility represent pathologies that imperil political accountability and development. Indeed, studies contend that divided government ? where different parties control the executive and legislative branches of government ? lead to policy deadlock while party volatility ? characterized by frequent party splits, solo switches, mergers, dissolutions or the establishment of new parties ? confounds representation and accountability. Clearly, each on its own is seen as a considerable threat to political performance and democratic development; the confluence of the two points virtually to an inevitable political doom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1940s and 1950s, nationalists and colonial officials in French Soudan (Mali) shared a language of development centered on the concepts of tradition, modernity, community, and individualism. This shared language permitted collaboration but also masked important differences in nationalist and colonial analyses of social change and the direction of rural development. Particular areas of contention were social evolutionary models of change, the likelihood of rising individualism, and the potential of communitarian development. The patterns of interaction in this debate reveal that intellectual exchanges between and among officials and nationalists were multidirectional and characterized not by borrowing but by exchange, adaptation, and reformulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the relationship between luxury, consumption and gender in Argentina changed in response to the introduction of Darwinian ideas. Ideas surrounding consumerism were transformed by the 1870s, influenced by a scientific revolution that gave new meaning to gender categories. The introduction of Darwinism at a time of extreme ideological confusion about how to organise the nation only enhanced the perceived dangers about how economic changes and the expansion of markets would affect elites' ability to govern. The article focuses specifically on changing perceptions of gender and consumerism between 1830 and 1880, paying particular attention to the work of two of the most important intellectuals of the Generación del '37, Juan B. Alberdi and Domingo F. Sarmiento. By closely examining their reflections on the expansion of markets and accumulation of luxury goods, it reveals the nature of the cultural changes introduced by the Darwinian revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Inspired by recent critical pedagogic and social movement theory, this article explores the cultural production of social movements in Chile at the beginning of the twentieth century. Questioning the belief that the Estado docente was the sole mechanism of social democratisation, it explores the pedagogic proposals developed by workers and their associations during what is referred to as the period of the 'Social Question'. The article concludes by analyzing the factors which led to the demise of these alternative pedagogic experiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theoretically, feminists ought to be the best deliberative democrats. However, political commitments (which this author shares) to inclusiveness on issues of reproductive health and gay and lesbian rights, for example, create a boundary within feminism between those committed to the "feminist consensus" on these issues and women activists who share some feminist commitments, but not all. This article offers theoretically and empirically informed suggestions for how feminists can foster inclusive deliberation within feminist spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, socio-political crises have challenged democracy across South America. Social movements that succeeded in mobilising marginalised sectors are at the forefront of this turbulence, Ecuador's indigenous movement and the organisations of unemployed workers in Argentina being paradigmatic cases. Recent developments point to an intrinsic weakness of both indigenous and unemployed movements, in that democratic regimes have proved highly successful at `taming' them. By comparing the two movements, in terms of their internal dynamics and interactions with the political system, this article argues that common characteristics that were crucial for successful mobilisation in the first place, at the same time, help explain their vulnerability to division and clientelist integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the formal "carriers" of the goals and agendas of social movements, social movement organizations (SMOs) are committed to both institutional and identity politics. Given this dual engagement, SMOs must attempt to reconcile their intraorganizational strategies for representation and mobilization with their intergroup strategies for instrumental action in the policy process. In this article, these tensions are explored in a case study of the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC) and its involvement in the policy debate on reproductive technologies over 15 years. The article reveals how the NAC's capacity to influence and participate in the formulation of policy on reproductive technologies was challenged by its inability to resolve competing demands: those of institutional politics, which called for professional advocacy; and the internal demands emanating from its grassroots member groups, for deliberation and participation. The article also attributes the NAC's diminished effectiveness in the policy process to broader changes in the relations between the Canadian state and social movement organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In violent conflicts in places like Congo, Liberia and Sierra Leone, economic interests have crowded out ideologically articulate mass-based social movements for reform or revolutionary change to a degree that was not apparent during earlier anti-colonial struggles. Some scholars offer a‘looting model’ of rebellion that explains the predations of politicians and warlords but it is not clear why people who receive few benefits from this– or even suffer great harm from them– fail to support ideologues instead, or why self-interested violent entrepreneurs do not offer political programmes to attract more followers. Yet some groups defy this‘looting model’. Explaining why armed groups vary so greatly in their behaviour provides a means to address important questions: is it possible to construct public authorities out of collapsed states in the twenty-first century, or do local predations and global conditions preclude indigenous state-building in these places? Why do social movements for reform there seem so ineffective? What conditions have to be present for them to succeed? This article considers the nature of rebellion in failing states, focusing on Nigeria to find clues to explain variations in the organization of armed groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The analysis of armed conflict in the post Cold War era has been profoundly influenced by neoclassical economists. Statistical approaches have generated important propositions, but there is a danger when these feed into policy prescriptions. This paper first compares the economics of civil war literature with the social movement literature which has also tried to explain collective action problems. It argues that the latter has a much more sophisticated set of conceptual tools, enriched by empirical study. The paper then uses the case of multipolar militarization in oil-rich Casanare, Colombia, to demonstrate complexity and contingency in civil war trajectories. State policy failure and civil actors can be an important source of explanation alongside the economic agendas of armed actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deliberative democrats are committed both to inclusion and to barring coercion in public discourse. Their commitment to democratic inclusion should make them sympathetic to the challenges faced by social movements. An adequate sociology of contentious public discourse, however, shows that social movements must often act coercively in order to be included. For example, they must often alter the terrain of conflict, create a crisis, pressure interlocutors to argue consistently, or compel other parties to enter social arenas of contention that they have avoided. Democratic theorists who are committed to inclusion should approve of such coercion. Under the actual circumstances movements face, there is a tension between non-coercion and democratic inclusion. This tension demonstrates the need for a democratic standard and a mode of democratic social analysis beyond those that deliberative theory offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores that ways in which the chieftaincy in South Africa has responded to the introduction of democratic electoral practices at the local level. Efforts by the chieftaincy to direct or redirect these social changes in ways to bolster its own authority; Influence of the chieftaincy on how local communities practice and understand the new democratic rules and practices.

The article focuses on inquiry and activism in law and society. Two events in the past twelve months have made the author think about the law and society field and activism. It is an important moment to consider how globalization may help to understand and perhaps redefine activism at the heart of the law and society project. Global change is energizing the field. Everyone is being led by world events, as well as events in its own societies, to an understanding that the stakes in law and society research are high. Yet, all of the author's conventional training in the social sciences and his experience in academic institutions raises questions about the role that activism can play in one's field. Activism builds upon insight to create a durable commitment to a politics of change. But insight, if honestly pursued, can also lead the scholar in unexpected directions. The tension and creativity in the relationship between activism and inquiry may be better understood when viewed through the different ways in which scholars engage in their work and with the larger community.

This article discusses the relationships between values, social change and welfare reform. Welfare states in the industrialized West are in transition. The social, economic, political and cultural conditions which sustained a post-war welfare settlement in many Western countries have changed. New definitions of the rights and responsibilities of citizenship and of the rights and wrongs of egalitarianism are emerging. The representation of the post-1960s politics of welfare in these terms is circumscribed and tends to eclipse the diverse and complex ways in which the post-war welfare settlement was destabilized. Also, by distilling the challenges to the "ancien" welfare regime down to the New Right and New Labor, it tends to cast as unreconstructed "Old Labor" those who might seek to support or, at least to make more transparent, issues of redistribution and universalism. The challenges to the so-called consensus supporting the post-war Keynesian welfare settlement came thick and fast in a variety of forms economic recession, the "unfixing" of gender and ethnic relations, changes in the organization and provision of employment, demographic shifts, challenges to the sovereignty of the nation-state.

This article discusses the extent of acceptability of the intimate lives of non-heterosexuals in Great Britain using data from the Families of Choice Project, a research project based on interviews with non-heterosexual women and men. If people were to take a glance at the media in Great Britain in recent years they would see an explosion of images, articles and programs about and/or for lesbians, gay men and bisexuals. Radio and television programs, mainstream magazines and newspapers, as well as specialist ones, have all covered various aspects of lesbian, gay and bisexual lives. In recent years the question of intimate relationships between same sex partners, their friends, ex-lovers, families of origin and children has emerged as a predominant feature of much non-heterosexual scholarship and activism. Up until very recently Great Britain has had no legislation or public policy that explicitly recognizes the intimate relationships of non heterosexuals. The social movement of non-heterosexuals who are active in raising these issues draws many of its members from other social movements who have organized around common experiences like ethnicity disability, and gender.

The article presents a comment by the author on the presidential address given by researcher Joel Handler in 1992 at the annual meeting of the Law and Society Association regarding postmodernism and social change. It is Handler's attempt to understand and question the studies of transformative politics which, he claims, are deeply influenced by a turn toward postmodernism. He is skeptical about the current research that is influenced by strains of postmodernism, although he does not seem to advocate a wholesale return to the earlier, social-structural approach. The proddings of some who write from a postmodernist perspective do at least remind us that ultimately social movements are forged by real people with self-identities and sometimes unique stories to tell. And this intellectual shift alerts to the neglect of this essential insight in much of the social-structural work of the past. The challenge now is to bridge the divide between structure-based and people-based analyses of social processes by taking seriously the notions of human agency and subjective identity. The postmodernists implies that all experiences are unique, different, atypical from one to another.

This article reviews the analysis of social change influenced by new sociology, considers its relevance to contemporary social policy issues and argues that, despite limitations, the simplicities and second-best theories' of old welfarism may have merit in the current context. The topic of social change commands considerable attention not least among those who wish to suggest that modern industrial society is undergoing transition from modernism, fordism or industrialism to something else. Students of social policy often identify a sea-change in the welfare climate round about the oil crisis of the mid-1970s, marking a transition from the expansive social policy of "welfare optimism" to the retrenchment of "welfare pessimism." The new sociology stresses diversity. Interestingly, the response of social policy arguments is to move in the direction of convergence rather than division. This is because the traditional basis of divisions in this area the ideological split between left and right exerts a declining purchase in the way suggested by the post-modern critique of the claims of prescriptive social theory.

The article argues that the post-Fordist case is ultimately misleading as it works with an overly restrictive picture of welfare and pays insufficient attention to non-class social divisions in Great Britain. Post-Fordist ideas provide an interesting and stimulating perspective on the welfare changes of the last two decades. Their particular contribution lies in their willingness to make links and locate social policy shifts within broader narratives of social change. One hopes that the social policy community itself will respond to these challenges and turn its attention to the nature and role of welfare under conditions of globalization. However the very strength of post-Fordist and regulationist ideas is at the same time their weakness. Their ability to construct a structural dialogue premised on the workplace and accumulation process has the effect of reducing the visibility and potency of non-class interests. In this way social divisions of welfare are unjustifiably simplified and reduced. Moreover, our brief study of the education service suggests that the actual restructuring of welfare is taking place along more ambiguous lines than is allowed in the model. Many of the difficulties encountered by the post-Fordist welfare state thesis no doubt arise from its status as composite theory. In effect it combines the abstract epistemological frameworks of regulation theory with more concrete and historically grounded observations from organizational studies and economics. The result makes it far from easy to disentangle and specify precise strands of cause and effect in given situations.

The article looks into the development of social change and the political system stability in Colombia. Accordingly, Colombia is a country where its political party system has experienced gradual improvement in social and economic change. Moreover, some of the country's changes have taken place in the composition of the labor force and in urbanization also in educational system. However, such changes are driven by the country's interests or perspective of new or transformed groups and classes such as Christian Democratic parties, Marxist parties and labor parties.

The article discusses social changes gradually took place in the United States in last few centuries. By 1800, a critical change had taken place in the fabric of American society. The Revolution had transformed ideological expectations, behavior patterns and social relationships as well as institutions, and had drastically altered the basis on which social and political authority could be exercised in a manner that transcended the departure of British officials and Loyalist exiles. Above all, it had reshaped the relationship between the Patriot elite and the remainder of Americans into one very different from that obtaining in the pre-Revolutionary colonies.

Hahrie Han's review asks how the argument I develop in my book—that social movements can provide a form of democratic representation for marginalized groups—might be applied to movements other than women's movements and issues other than women's issues. In the book, I develop some distinctions between types of groups and types of issues as a way of answering these questions, arguing that social movements are especially important for social change issues (called “progressive” policy issues in more recent work) and for giving voice to systematically disadvantaged (or marginalized) groups. I explain each of these ideas in turn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]