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Although much research has been conducted on the Late Postclassic period Maya, there has been relatively less study of the role of economic activities in political management during this period. Many such studies focused on obsidian analysis and technology as proxies for trade and exchange. This article builds on that research, using a legacy collection of obsidian implements collected during archaeological surveys in the 1970s to examine Late Postclassic period (AD 1200–1524) economic networks in the K'iche' region. Obsidian collections from the site of Q'umarkaj and the surrounding region were examined through technological and geochemical analyses. I find that during the Late Postclassic period, K'iche' elites had more access to nonlocal obsidian sources than did non-elites, but that access to locally available sources was managed through independent and diverse acquisition networks. Thus, the K'iche' elite were not dependent on local economies as a main source of political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The role of craft producers in past economies provides information that helps contextualize the role of economies in broader sociopolitical systems. Through this examination of lowland Maya lithic producers in the Late to Terminal Classic period (a.d. 600–890), this article explores the centrality of economic activities in integrating craft producers into larger regional political communities and simultaneously buffering them against regional political conflicts. Through a study of lithic extraction and production at Callar Creek Quarry, Belize, this article examines the relevance of crafting activities in the minimization of economic uncertainty. These data indicate that lithic reduction served to diversify economic activities for lithic producers, and thus minimized economic risk. The use of economic activity to minimize risk provides evidence for the continuity of small-scale householders. This illustrates the independence of economic activities from political frameworks, and suggests that economic diversification serves as a critical stabilizing force for rural Classic-period Maya residents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stone tool producers in the Maya Lowlands had several types of raw materials from which to choose. Limestone, chert, and obsidian are the most naturally abundant, whereas chert and obsidian outnumber limestone in archaeological contexts. The presence of flaked-stone tools made of limestone is typically attributed to the scarcity of more suitable raw materials. Nevertheless, in chert-rich areas, such as the upper Belize River valley, limestone bifaces and production debitage are present. To understand their presence, we examine limestone biface production and use at Buenavista del Cayo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzing technological patterns and source provenance of stone tools, Jones, Beck, Jones, and Hughes (2003) argue that Paleoarchaic groups of the central Great Basin moved within an extensive home range, perhaps reaching 400 km in its longest dimension. The Eastern Conveyance Zone, as they refer to this territory, was aligned with the predominantly north-south trending mountains and valleys of the province. To evaluate this model, of mobility, artifacts were collected from the southern part of the Eastern Conveyance Zone for geochemica! characterizations. X-ray fluorescence spectrometry of 183 obsidian and fine-grained volcanic artifacts identified 12 known rock sources, all from the southern and central sections of the zone. No northern sources are represented among artifacts studied. Revisions of the Eastern Conveyance Zone model are considered in light of these results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]