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How do international sports events shape repression in authoritarian host countries? International tournaments promise unique gains in political prestige through global media attention. However, autocrats must fear that foreign journalists will unmask their wrongdoings. We argue that autocracies solve this dilemma by strategically adjusting repression according to the spatial-temporal presence of international media. Using original, highly disaggregated data on the 1978 World Cup, we demonstrate that the Argentine host government largely refrained from repression during the tournament but preemptively cleared the streets beforehand. These adjustments specifically occurred around hotels reserved for foreign journalists. Additional tests demonstrate that (1) before the tournament, repression turned increasingly covert, (2) during the tournament, targeting patterns mirrored the working shifts of foreign journalists, (3) after the tournament, regime violence again spiked in locations where international media had been present. Together, the article highlights the human costs of megaevents, contradicting the common whitewashing rhetoric of functionaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article proposes the notion of emotional attrition to capture the process through which activists working in high-risk environments may develop a lasting state of emotional exhaustion caused by protracted exposure to adversarial conditions. Combining insights from clinical psychology and the sociology of emotions, it outlines a novel framework to understand the relationship between activism, emotions, and disengagement. We argue that activists can develop an emotional state characterized by dispiriting emotions and disengaging attitudes that affect their well-being and ability to sustain their activism. This argument is grounded on an in-depth analysis of more than 130 interviews with local human rights activists in Colombia, Kenya, and Indonesia. By examining their experiences and pressures in relation to the arena of repression, their immediate social circle, and the broader sociopolitical and cultural context, we shed light on the complex intersections between activists' emotional challenges and the range of contextual and strategic factors shaping their work and lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Patients with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) show a different stress-related cognitive style compared with healthy controls (HC). The FK506 binding protein 5 gene (FKBP5), one of the PTSD known risk factors, is involved in the stress response through the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis and brain volumetric alterations. The present study aimed to uncover the neural correlates of stress-related cognitive styles through the analysis of the regional brain volumes and FKBP5 genotype in patients with PTSD compared with HC. Methods: In this study, 51 patients with PTSD and 94 HC were assessed for stress-related cognitive styles, PTSD symptoms severity, and genotype of FKBP5 single nucleotide polymorphisms, and underwent T1-weighted structural magnetic resonance imaging. Diagnosis-by-genotype interaction for regional brain volumes was examined in 16 brain regions of interest. Results: Patients with PTSD showed significantly higher levels of catastrophizing, ruminative response, and repression, and reduced distress aversion and positive reappraisal compared with HC (p < 0.001). Significant diagnosis-by-genotype interactions for regional brain volumes were observed for bilateral hippocampi and left frontal operculum. A significant positive correlation between the severity of the repression and left hippocampal volume was found in a subgroup of patients with PTSD with FKBP5 rs3800373 (AA genotype) or rs1360780 (CC genotype). Conclusions: The present study showed the influences of FKBP5 genotype on the distorted cognitive styles in PTSD by measuring the volumetric alteration of hippocampal regions, providing a possible role of the hippocampus and left frontal operculum as significant neurobiological correlates of PTSD. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Authoritarian regimes seek to prevent formal and informal organizations in society from engaging in mobilized dissent. What strategies do they use to do so, and what explains their choices? I posit that state actors in autocracies use four mechanisms to control societal organizations: repression, coercion, cooptation and containment. How they control these organizations depends on whether they think they might undermine political stability. Two factors inform that assessment. First is whether state actors think societal organizations' interests are reconcilable with regime resilience. Second is whether groups are in national or international networks that are either cohesive or incohesive. While the irreconcilability of interests influences state actors' perceptions of groups as subversive, network cohesion shapes organizations' capacity for large-scale mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the misuse of psychiatry as a tool for political repression, particularly in totalitarian regimes like the Soviet Union and contemporary Iran, where dissenters are labeled as psychiatric patients. This abuse not only violates human rights but also leads to severe psychological consequences for the victims, including dissociative disorders and an increased risk of suicide.

This article examines how authoritarian regimes combine various strategies of repression, co-optation and legitimation to remain in power. The contribution of the article is two-fold. First, I conceptualize the hexagon of authoritarian persistence as a framework to explain how authoritarian regimes manage to survive. The hexagon is based on Gerschewski's (2013) three pillars of stability but proposes some crucial modifications. In contrast to the model of the three pillars, the hexagon can grasp the causal complexity of autocratic survival because it is rooted in set theory and accounts for asymmetric causal relations, conjunctural causation and equifinality. Based on this, it illuminates how authoritarian regimes use multiple, mutually non-exclusive survival strategies. The second contribution is an empirical exploration which applies the hexagon and provides a case-oriented analysis of 62 persistent and non-persistent authoritarian regimes (1991–2010). By using fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis, the findings of this assessment illustrate five configurations of the hexagon – called hegemonic, performance-dependent, rigid, overcompensating and adaptive authoritarianism – as those combinations of strategies which facilitate authoritarian survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What impact is the current rise in workplace conflict having on governance in China? This article argues that, over time, protests are driving the state in two directions at once: towards greater repression and greater responsiveness. Using an original dataset of strikes, protests and riots by Chinese workers between 2003 and 2012, along with government budgetary and judicial statistics, the article demonstrates that significant, positive correlations exist at the provincial level between increased unrest on the one hand and both increased spending on the People's Armed Police (repression) and increasing numbers of pro-worker and split decisions in mediation, arbitration and court cases (responsiveness) on the other. Feedback effects exist with regard to responsiveness, though: more cases in which workers win something in turn seem to spur greater unrest. The article closes by noting the changes since Xi Jinping took office and examining the implications of the findings for China's political development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that economic inequality between ethnic groups increases state repression. We contend that a high level of ethnic inequality fuels distributional conflicts between poor and rich ethnic groups. It also increases the salience of ethnic identity and promotes ethnic mobilization to challenge the status quo. This between-group tension creates collective grievances for ethnic groups, mounts challenges to incumbent governments and increases perceived threats to governments. The greater the perceived threats, the more likely that governments will employ coercive measures. We further argue that the impact of ethnic inequality on state repression is moderated by the level of democracy. Various institutional mechanisms in democracies increase the costs of repression, reducing leaders' incentives to employ coercive measures, even when facing high levels of ethnic inequality. Evidence from 152 countries between 1992 and 2011 supports our arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many authoritarian regimes use frightening acts of repression to suppress dissent. Theory from psychology suggests that emotions should affect how citizens perceive and process information about repression risk and ultimately whether or not they dissent. I test the effects of emotions on dissent in autocracy by running a lab-in-the-field experiment with 671 opposition supporters in Zimbabwe that randomly assigns some participants to an exercise that induces a mild state of fear, whereas others complete a neutral placebo. The fear treatment significantly reduces hypothetical and behavioral measures of dissent by substantively large amounts. It also increases pessimism about parameters that enter into the dissent decision as well as risk aversion. These results show that emotions interact in important ways with strategic considerations. Fear may be a powerful component of how unpopular autocrats exclude large portions of their populations from mobilizing for regime change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the role of the legal profession and the evolution of aspects of Indian nationalist ideology during the Non-Cooperation Movement of 1920–22. Very few legal professionals responded to Gandhi's call to boycott the British courts despite significant efforts to establish alternative institutions dedicated to resolving disputes. First identified by leading legal professionals in the movement as courts of arbitration, these alternative sites of justice quickly assumed the name ‘panchayats’. Ultimately, this panchayat experiment failed due to a combination of apathy, repression, and internal opposition. However, the introduction of the panchayat into the discourse of Indian nationalism ultimately had profound effects, including the much later adoption of constitutional panchayati raj. Yet this discourse was then and remains today a contested one. This is largely a legacy of Gandhi himself, who, during the Non-Cooperation Movement, imagined the panchayat as a judicial institution based upon arbitration and mediation. Yet, after the movement's failure, he came to believe the panchayat was best suited to functioning as a unit of village governance and administration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why are some people willing to initiate protest against authoritarian regimes? How does repression affect their willingness to act? Drawing on data from the Arab Spring protests in Morocco, this article argues first that activism is passed down from one generation to the next: first movers often came from families that had been punished for opposing the regime in the past. Secondly, repression during the Arab Spring was also counterproductive: those connected to first movers via Facebook supported renewed pro-democracy protests when informed of the regime’s use of repression in 2011. A regime that jails and beats political dissidents creates incentives for its citizens to oppose it; these abuses can come back to haunt the regime long after repression occurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For several years, various nationalist groups and the Russian state have been competing over nationalism as a political concept and for popular support to nationalist claims. This paper analyzes the relationship between the state and anti-government, ethnocentric nationalistic groups that gather annually in an event called “the Russian March.” Emphasis is on the change in that relationship that happened in 2014, when the state added efforts to channel and mobilize the nationalists to its previous repressive and controlling measures. The article conceptualizes the competition over the nationalist argument in contemporary Russia as a case of dissentful and consentful contention in hybrid regimes, and shows how the dissentful nationalists have been forced to make way for the more consentful ones. Until recently, the room for maneuver for the radical nationalists was relatively wide. The events in Ukraine, however, divided the nationalists, and since 2014 radical nationalists have faced increased state repression. At the same time, pro-government nationalist actors have strengthened, and new players have appeared in the field. These developments tell us not only about the Kremlin’s diminished tolerance for dissentful contention, but also about the importance of the nationalist argument in Russian politics today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the fragmentation of provincial rice fields into warring postcolonial territories in mid-twentieth-century South Asia. I focus on rice as a powerful grain that connected the shifting borders of British colonial Assam and Bengal, and later Northeast India and East Pakistan (1930–1970). I show how state repression and competing claims to rice harvests contended with shifting terrains. At important historical junctures, rice came to link cultivation and territorialization, state violence and food, and dispossession and espionage. I engage with the powerful symbolism attached to rice by colonial and post-colonial officials, border guards, and cultivators who were variously conceived of as peasants and adivasis, as they sought to settle, cultivate, demarcate, and govern new national boundaries in a radically changing landscape. This paper situates rice battles within current discussions on Asia's borderlands to show how rice established the border as a space for alterity and to expose the blurred boundaries between static peasants and mobile adivasis, and between cultivation and soldiering. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

propose the concept of "ignoring" to capture situations in which government officials appear dismissive (either through inaction or contempt) of popular mobilization. The concept refers not only to actions by regime officials but also captures protesters' perceptions of those actions. Examples of ignoring include not communicating with protesters, issuing condescending statements, physically evading protesters, or acting with contempt toward popular mobilization. Existing conceptual tools do not adequately capture these dynamics. Although repression and concessions have been extensively theorized, scholars lack conceptual tools to understand responses that fall short of both repression and concessions. I introduce the concept of "ignoring" as a useful tool to focus on a subset of actions on the part of regime officials who are the targets of mobilization, with discernible consequences for subsequent mobilization. Drawing on research on the role of emotions in protest politics and on framing and social movements, I argue that ignoring protests can trigger emotional responses that encourage people to engage in protest, such as anger, indignation, and outrage. By integrating protesters' perceptions of the behavior of the targets of mobilization, not just of the security forces, the concept of "ignoring" helps explain protesters' reactions and their future mobilization, in a way that conventional concepts such as tolerance cannot capture. This analysis has important implications for broader theoretical debates on the relationship between regime response to protests and subsequent mobilization. Most importantly, it urges scholars to consider how ignoring can interact with other responses to mobilization, thereby altering the dynamics of the infamous the "concession-repression dilemma." I use evidence from workers' protests in late Mubarak Egypt to illustrate these dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports an error in the reference entry for Grasse et al. 2020. The original version of Braithwaite et al. (2021). "Opportunistic Repression: Civilian Targeting by the State in Response to COVID-19." Working Paper.

This article argues that high levels of government regulation of religion help to explain the “democracy gap” in majority Muslim countries. Controlling for previously hypothesized determinants of democracy, it finds that as levels of regulation increase, levels of democracy decline. Examination of specific types of religious regulation in Muslim-majority countries uncovers a pattern of repression of religious expression that may be used to mobilize citizens politically. These regulations are targeted more often at Muslims who seek independence from state-controlled religion or who wish to challenge authoritarian governments, rather than at non-Muslim minorities or at religious worship more generally. Thus, authoritarian and semi-authoritarian regimes in Muslim-majority states successfully use policies toward religion to restrict political competition and inhibit democratic transition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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The Khrushchev era brought a policy of religious repression in response to a resurgence of religious adherence after WWII. But a close evaluation of archival sources reveals distinctive features to its implementation in the Baltics, compared with other parts of the USSR and with the Orthodox Church. The study richly describes the erosion of church institutional interests, such as maintenance of registered churches and clergy, legal and financial autonomy, publications and theological education. But having adapted to their national context, republic-level state officials often pursued the campaign disproportionately against non-national churches, such as Catholics and so-called sects, thereby provoking bureaucratic tensions with party hardliners, both in Moscow and at the republic level. Motivated by its heightened anti- Vatican stance, Moscow's foreign policy opening-to the World Council of Churches, Lutheran World Federation, and the German churches-brought the Lutheran churches limited leverage against reluctant local and republic officials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern scholars often have pointed out that the emergence of monotheism has occasioned repressive behavior in history, including the suppression of women. The author seeks to distinguish between what monotheistic faith should inherently do, create egalitarianism, as opposed to how monotheistic faith has been used by political powers to create oppression. To this end, the author refers to metaphors previously introduced into the discussion by other scholars, which speak of "monotheism from above" as opposed to "monotheism from below." The author also believes that monotheism, especially the Judeo-Christian tradition, is on an evolutionary trajectory, ever unfolding the egalitarian implications of its own message, and ultimately it may evolve and transform society so as to preclude its use as a tool of oppression. Thus, the author seeks to respond to some of the issues raised by critical scholars concerning the inherent repression of monotheistic faiths. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Repression has become an empirical fact the is at once obvious and problematic. Fragmented clinical and laboratory traditions and disputed terminology have resulted in a Babel of misunderstandings in which false distinctions are imposed (e.g., between repression and suppression) and necessary distinctions not drawn, (e.g., between the mechanism and the use to which it is put, defense being just one). ‘Repression’ was introduced by Herbart to designate the (nondefensive) inhibition of ideas by other ideas in their struggle for consciousness. Freud adaptive repression to the defensive inhibition of ‘unbearable’ mental contents. Substantial experimental literatures on attentional biases, though avoidance, interference, and intentional forgetting exist, the oldest prototype being the work of Ebbinghaus, who showed that intentional avoidance of memories results in their progressive forgetting over time. It has now become clear, as clinicians had claimed, that the inaccessible materials are often available and emerge indirectly (e.g., procedurally, implicitly). It is also now established that the Ebbinghaus retention function can be partly reversed, with resulting increases of conscious memory over time (hypermnesia). Freud's clinical experience revealed early on that exclusion from consciousness was affected not just by simple repression (inhibition) but also a variety of distorting techniques, some deployed to degrade latent contents (denial), all eventually subsumed under the rubric of defense mechanisms (‘repression in the widest sense’). Freudian and Bartlettian distortions are essentially the same even in name, except for motive (cognitive vs. emotional), and experimentally induced false memories and other ‘memory illusions’ are laboratory analogs of self-induced distortions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Repression continues to be controversial. One insight crystallized by the commentaries is that there is a serious semantic problem, partly resulting from a long silence in psychology on repression. In this response, narrow views (e.g., that repression needs always be unconscious, must yield total amnesia) are challenged. Broader conceptions of repression, both biological and social, are considered, with a special stress on repression of meanings (denial). Several issues — generilizability, falsifiability, personality factors, the interaction of repression with cognitive channel (e.g., recall vs. dreams), and false-memory as repression — are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines Irigaray's analysis of politics and the political implications of her critique of sacrificial orders that repress difference/matter. I suggest that her descriptions of a fluid "feminine" can be read as an alternative symbolic not dependent on repression. This idea is politically promising in opening a possibility for justice and a nonantagonistic intersubjectivity. I conclude by assessing Irigaray's concrete proposals for sexuate rights and a civil identity for women. This essay examines Irigaray's analysis of politics and the political implications of her critique of sacrificial orders that repress difference/matter. I suggest that her descriptions of a fluid "feminine" can be read as an alternative symbolic not dependent on repression. This idea is politically promising in opening a possibility for justice and a nonantagonistic intersubjectivity. I conclude by assessing Irigaray's concrete proposals for sexuate rights and a civil identity for women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the textual analysis of film noir. Films noirs have been interpreted as divergently as being existential statements of alienation or instruments for the repression of an independent female sexuality. Textual analysis can only identify inherent meanings, it cannot propose which reading of the text is to be preferred as most accurately embodying the movie's position within the culture for which it was produced. Critical opinion of the nature of film noir is nowhere near so stable.

Background: We reviewed evidence from prospective studies to test whether individuals can develop amnesia for traumatic experiences, a process variously termed 'repression', 'dissociative amnesia' or 'psychogenic amnesia'.Method: Using specified criteria, we selected and analysed studies which prospectively assessed memory in victims of documented traumatic experiences.Results: In studies in which people were asked directly about a past traumatic experience, they consistently reported memories. Non-reporting occurred only in studies where subjects were not asked directly about the experience. This latter design leaves open the well-documented possibility that subjects simply did not disclose events that they actually remembered. Some prospective studies were also limited by incomplete documentation of trauma and failure to rule out other more ordinary causes of amnesia.Conclusions: Prospective data as yet fail to demonstrate that individuals can develop dissociative amnesia for traumatic events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors discuss the treatment for prolonged combat reaction, a clinical entity which is classified under one of the most complex diagnostic formulations in modern psychiatry-post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). It is stated that the person who undergoes a traumatic experience characterized by intense anxiety and feelings of helplessness regarding the danger of extermination need to undergo a corrective experience before being able to return to normal function. On the other hand, the authors determine that therapists need to have a broad, comprehensive, flexible outlook, both in the use of therapeutic techniques and in the system within which they wish to direct their therapeutic efforts.

A group of psychiatric patients were operationally defined as ‘hysterics’ by their reliance on the perceptual defence mechanism of repression, as disclosed in a valid psychological test. Most of them had dependency conflicts. Only half of them, almost exclusively female, had received the clinical diagnosis hysteria, the diagnosis being apparently founded on bodily complaints, overt aggression, and absence of depressive mood and anxiety. Lack of these characteristics in patients resorting to repression and with dependency conflicts results in diagnostic uncertainty. Clinical and test data justified the separation from operationally defined hysterics of three small subgroups: one with brain dysfunction, one with regressive psychosis, and one with non-regressive schizophrenia. Relevant diagnostic clues in the psychological tests and in the clinical picture are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the concept of political intolerance in the U.S. It refers to the political intolerance as one's decision to put up with something one disagrees with. It attempts to link repressive public policy with public opinion of intolerance. It suggests that policy gets affected by intolerant opinion when a consensus is reached on the targets of intolerance that are appropriate. It informs that people may have different likes and dislikes of political groups but they would agree that several groups deserve repression even those that are disliked.

The article offers insights into the psychoanalytic concepts of resistance which is concerned with elements and forces in the patient which oppose the treatment process. The motives relating to resistance were seen to be the threat of arousal of unpleasant ideas and affects. The five major types and sources of resistance include repression-resistance, transference-resistance, resistance deriving from the gain from illness, id-resistance, or the resistance of instinctual impulses to any change in their mode and form of expression and superego-resistance, or the resistance coming from the patient's sense of guilt or his need of punishment.

The article discusses the significance of cryptomnesia and plagiarism. It is stated that cryptomnesia indicates the existence of memories hidden from consciousness, in which assumptions show such memories could be remembered in states of altered consciousness. Moreover, it can cause to occur unintended plagiarism, especially when logical memories are not recognized as such anymore. Nevertheless, unintended verbatim plagiarism is considered to be a rare occurrence, and it could be caused by cryptomnesia in persons with excellent verbal rote memory.

Repression has remained controversial for nearly a century on account of the lack of well-controlled evidence validating it. Here we argue that the conceptual and methodological tools now exist for a rigorous scientific examination of repression, and that a nascent cognitive neuroscience of repression is emerging. We review progress in this are and highlight important questions for this field to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the short-term intensive psychotherapy of a 36-year-old housewife and mother who suffered from depression for many years and who had painful irregular menstruation. The article describes how the psychotherapist interacted with the patient and how she was able to draw out long-repressed emotions from her. The patient was able to finally grieve for her son who died in a traffic accident at the age of three and was able to forgive her other son whom she blamed for the death of the younger brother. The patient was also able to talk things over with her husband, enabling the couple to communicate deeply after many years of lack of intimacy.

Psychological science can benefit from a theoretical unification with other social sciences. Social psychology in particular has gone through cycles of repression, denying itself the opportunity to see the calculating element in human interaction. A closer alignment with theories of evolution and theories of interpersonal (and intergroup) games would bring strategic reasoning back into the focus of research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Freud's merits may be readily acknowledged in the year of his 150th birthday, recent findings on repression-related phenomena cannot be accommodated by his classic conception, on which Erdelyi's theory is built. This point is illustrated by discussing the role of inhibitory processes. The unified theory of repression should be elaborated to generate falsifiable predictions on the reported phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The feuding factions of the memory wars, that is, those concerned with the validity of recovered memories versus those concerned with false memories, are unified by Erdelyi's theory of repression. Evidence shows suppression, inhibition, and retrieval blocking can have profound yet reversible effects on a memory's accessibility, and deserve as prominent a role in the recovered memory debate as evidence of false memories. Erdelyi's theory shows that both inhibitory and elaborative processes cooperate to keep unwanted memories out of consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erdelyi's two key tenets — that repression may be conscious (‘suppression’) and that it is context-sensitive — resonate well with findings on unipolar depression. Drawing from this field, I argue that (1) ‘oppression,’ namely, pressure from significant others to refrain from attending to certain mental contents, influences individuals' repression/suppression; and that, (2) individuals actively create the very contexts that facilitate their repression/suppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Normal adults recall poorly social feedback that refers to them, is negative, and pertains to core self-aspects. This phenomenon, dubbed the mnemic neglect effect, is equivalent to inhibitory repression. It is instigated under conditions of high self-threat, it implicates not-thinking during encoding, and it involves memories that are recoverable with such techniques as recognition accuracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the perspective of modern dream research, Freud's hypotheses regarding repression and dreaming are difficult to evaluate. Several studies indicate that it is possible to study these topics empirically, but it needs a lot more empirical evidence, at least in the area of dream research, before arriving at a unified theory of repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erdelyi's account of thought suppression, which he equates with the Freudian construct of repression, is that it is mostly successful, and that it undermines memory for the suppressed material. Erderlyi has neglected to consider evidence from two decades of research on suppression which renders both these claims invalid. Contrary to Erdelyi's thesis, suppression often enhances the accessibility of unwanted material. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erdelyi's version of repression — trying successfully not to think about something — is no longer recognizably Freudian. Erdelyi fails to cite directed forgetting experiments involving psychiatric patients that indicate that the motivation to forget threatening material seldom translates into an ability to do so. The early Freud of the seduction theory of hysteria did inspire the recovered memory fiasco. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erdelyi argues persuasively for his unified theory of repression. Beyond this, what can studying repression bring to our understanding of other aspects of emotional function? Here we consider ways in which work on repression might inform the study of, on one hand, emotional memory, and on the other, the emotional numbing seen in patients with chronic persistent depersonalization symptoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erdelyi's argument for integrating clinical data on repression, mainly Freudian, with laboratory findings suffers from logical and factual errors concerning Freudian repression and about experiments on forgetting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We argue that repression is primarily an unconscious process and that the position of Erdelyi is not coherent with Freud's views on the matter. Repression of ideas is a process that takes place without the knowledge of the subject. In this respect, it is essentially different from suppression, where ideas are acted upon by a conscious will. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Freud attributed uncovered incest, initially, to real abuse dissociated from self-consciousness, and later, to wishes repressed from consciousness. Dissociation is preferred on theoretical and empirical grounds. Whereas dissociation emerges from double-aspect materialism, repression implicates Cartesian dualism. Several studies suggest that abnormal individuals dissociate trauma from self-conscious source-monitoring, thereby convincing themselves that the trauma is imaginary rather than real, and re-experience the trauma as an unbidden image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erdelyi's unified theory includes the idea that traumatic memories can be unconsciously repressed so that they are enduringly inaccessible to deliberate recall. I argue here that clinical evidence for repressed memory is illusory, and illustrate this claim by examining previous studies of putative repressed memories and also recent research on nonverbal behaviors among survivors of childhood sexual abuse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The forgetting and remembering phenomena that Erdelyi outlines here have little to do with the concept of repression. None of the research that he describes shows that it is possible for people to repress (and then recover) memories for entire, significant, and potentially emotion-laden events. In the absence of scientific evidence, we continue to challenge the validity of the concept of repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erdelyi's dialectical repression theory attempts to reconcile what appear to be incompatible perspectives in the contentious area of memory for trauma. He partially succeeds and makes a strong case that repression is ‘an empirical fact,’ but makes a weaker case that distortions and omissions are due to the same mechanism and that recovered memories are necessarily unreliable. Available data do not suggest that the return of the repressed is any less accurate than the return of the non-repressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erdelyi distinguishes between cognitive and emotional forms of repression, but argues that they use the same general mechanism. His discussion of experimental memory findings, on the one hand, and clinical examples, on the other, does indeed indicate considerable overlap. As an in-between level of evidence, research findings on emotion in neuroscience, as well as experimental and social/personality psychology, further support his argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]