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As a previously unknown virus, the spread of the coronavirus challenged not only medical science and public health systems, but also public governance in all countries. In order to tackle the COVID-19 crisis in China, public authorities at various levels have issued a large number of measures that have no legally binding force, but produce practical effects. A closer look at selected COVID-19 measures in China shows that both the advantages and drawbacks of soft law are brought to the fore by the pandemic. This contribution, focusing on Chinese experiences with COVID-19 soft law, argues that the lack of legal bindingness and consequently of legal enforcement does not make soft law measures ineffective. On the contrary, these “defects” ease the adoption of soft law and ensure its availability to both public authorities and citizens, hence increasing its effectiveness in combating the pandemic. Yet problems remain in realising participatory possibilities and ensuring respect for legality.

Tracing Dar es Salaam's rise and fall as an epicentre of Third World revolution, George Roberts explores the connections between the global Cold War, African liberation struggles, and Tanzania's efforts to build a socialist state. Instead of understanding decolonisation through a national lens, he locates the intersection of these dynamics in a globally-connected city in East Africa. Revolutionary State-Making in Dar es Salaam introduces a vibrant cast of politicians, guerrilla leaders, diplomats, journalists, and intellectuals whose trajectories collided in the city. In its cosmopolitan and rumour-filled hotel bars, embassy receptions, and newspaper offices, they grappled with challenges of remaking a world after empire. Yet Dar es Salaam's role on the frontline of the African revolution and its provocative stance towards global geopolitics came at considerable cost. Roberts explains how Tanzania's strident anti-imperialism ultimately drove an authoritarian turn in its socialist project and tighter control over the city's public sphere.

In California, environmental justice advocacy has led to state laws and policies that have steadily, if imperfectly, reflected climate justice and the social pillar of sustainable development. Numerous climate policies acknowledge the state’s underlying inequities and direct their environmental, economic, and other community benefits to the state’s most disadvantaged citizens. This chapter provides an overview of the distributive, participatory, and social justice dimensions to climate justice and their relationship to the social pillar of sustainable development. The chapter explores key California climate mitigation policies and the degree to which they serve climate justice, and derives several important lessons for climate policy at the state and federal level.

The phenomenon of participatory architectural design is thought to have emerged in the late 1960s and 1970s in Europe. In 1969, Giancarlo De Carlo, one of its main advocates, presented a manifesto in which he asserted that 'architecture is too important to be left to architects', criticised architectural practice as a relationship of 'the intrinsic aggressiveness of architecture and the forced passivity of the user', and called for establishing 'a condition of creative and decisional equivalence' between the architect and the user, so that in fact both the architect and the user take on the architect's role. He also argued for the 'discovery of users' needs' and envisioned the process of designing as planning 'with' the users instead of planning 'for' the users.1 In the same year, De Carlo began working on a housing estate in Terni, Italy that involved future dwellers in design decisions. Among other participatory projects carried out around that time were Lucien Kroll's medical faculty building for the University de Louvain (1970-6) and Ottaker Uhl's Fesstgasse Housing, a multi-storey apartment block in Vienna (1979)., Architectural Research Quarterly, 25 (1), ISSN:1359-1355, ISSN:1474-0516

Over the past few years, much has been written on the changing world of work, with discussions focusing, for instance, on the rise of automation (Spencer 2018), changes in the nature of the employment relationship (Sweet and Meiksins 2013), the (failed) promises of the gig economy (Cant 2019; Wood, Graham, Lehdonvirta & Hjorth 2019) or new ways of collaborating and co-producing (de Vaujany, Leclerq-Vandelannoitte & Holt 2020). Importantly though, these discussions are not novel, neither are the phenomena they seek to describe. The history of work is full of deja vu. Communities, participatory systems, horizontality, democracy at work and nomadism are far from being new topics per se. In the nineteenth century, the Arts and Crafts Movement, socialist utopian communities, anarchy and Marxism had already involved public debates around these topics (see Granter 2016; Leone and Knauf 2015; Tilly 2019). Yet, there is clearly a renewed interest for these themes in research attempting to grapple with the multifaceted nature and the complex meaning of contemporary work (see for instance Aroles, Mitev & de Vaujany 2019; Fayard 2019; Simms 2019; Susskind 2020).

This paper asks whether our understanding of the public goods issues that copyright addresses should extend to the task of facilitating more efficient internalization of investment in verification and authentication of news content. In recent years, we have seen firms entering a new market niche for verifying content that purports to report current events. These efforts sit alongside initiatives by social media platforms themselves to filter “fake news” from their sites. In an information ecosystem where there is plenty of content but a premium on truth and reliability, should copyright norms be more aligned with the work of these new third-party initiated “veracity markets”? That question implicates a larger set of issues related to how we think about incentives as the information ecosystem evolves – and about the continued salience of orthodox copyright norms in an information ecosystem that is no longer defined by scarcity.

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This chapter presents a comparative analysis of four Participatory Multi-Criteria Approaches (PMCAs) usually applied in sustainability assessments (SMCE, MCM, 3-SPM and INTEGRAAL). Such approaches are presented in detail and subsequently compared to each other according to three elementary yet crucial questions: who assesses?; what is assessed?; and how is it assessed? Results outline potential synergies and theoretical incompatibilities between the four approaches. The analysis also supports future PMCA applications when choosing one particular approach according to: key meta-principles (i.e., epistemological stance, methodological emphasis); logistical constraints (e.g., time, budget); local idiosyncrasies (e.g., pertinent geographical scales, power asymmetries); and organisational factors.

Between 1986 and 1994, East Africa's postcolonial, political settlement was profoundly challenged as four revolutionary 'liberation' movements seized power in Eritrea, Ethiopia, Rwanda and Uganda. After years of armed struggle against vicious dictatorships, these movements transformed from rebels to rulers, promising to deliver 'fundamental change'. This study exposes, examines and underlines the acute challenges each has faced in doing so. Drawing on over 130 interviews with the region's post-liberation elite, undertaken over the course of a decade, Jonathan Fisher takes a fresh and empirically-grounded approach to explaining the fast-moving politics of the region over the last three decades, focusing on the role and influence of its guerrilla governments. East Africa after Liberation sheds critical light on the competing pressures post-liberation governments contend with as they balance reformist aspirations with accommodation of counter-vailing interests, historical trajectories and their own violent organisational cultures.

The participation of societal actors has been advanced as the gold standard of sustainability assessment processes and is thought essential to dealing with the plurality of normative claims surrounding sustainability and the need to take decisions in a context of trade-offs. However, participation per se does not guarantee these outcomes. In this chapter, we put the spotlight on the politics of participatory sustainability assessments and look at the entanglements of knowledge and power in such processes. First, we introduce different conceptualizations of participation and show that participation is a contested concept that goes beyond methodological questions. Second, to equip ourselves for a discussion of the politics of participatory sustainability assessments, we present an analytical framework for studying diverse facets of power (“power over”, “power to”, and “power with”) throughout participatory sustainability assessment processes. By means of a literature analysis, we illustrate how, depending on the design of the process and the socio-political context in which it takes place, different power relations pervade and shape participation processes and their outcomes. The analytical framework presented can support reflexivity in tackling power dynamics in participatory sustainability assessments.

Chapter 2 develops our theory, highlighting how land use regulations and participatory inequalities come together to constrain the supply of new housing. We use a detailed case study of a Catholic Church redevelopment project to illustrate how neighbors opposed to development are able to delay development and reduce what gets built by participating in the planning and permitting process.

This paper focuses – from a comparative and theoretical perspective – on the principles that govern the ascription of criminal responsibility to different parties involved in the commission of a crime. It has the twofold objective of introducing readers to the main doctrinal frameworks for the regulation of participation in crime in two well-known jurisdictions (England and Germany), as well as the theoretical foundations proposed for them, and of making the case for a reworked differentiated system based on separate doctrines of criminal participation formulated for three different participatory paradigms: acting through another, acting with another, and acting alongside another. It argues that the main flaws in existing doctrines of participation arise from a failure to recognise that it is inappropriate to apply them across the entire range of multi-party scenarios to which they are currently applied. However, the counsel of some defenders of unitary perpetrator systems – that we should give up on the very project of distinguishing between different modes of liability-ascription for parties to crime on account of the practical difficulties to which they all give rise – is a counsel of despair. Once the areas of application for the different participatory paradigms are appropriately demarcated, distinct sets of rules and principles for each of these paradigms enable the resolution of various disputed issues and seemingly intractable difficulties that beset this area of law.

Evidence from my fieldwork in three districts in lower Sindh, presented in the previous chapter, suggests that people exercise more agency than structuralist accounts of the state in Pakistan have given them credit for. If kinship networks and clientalistic relations with a political patron, such as a powerful wadera , defined people's only interaction or understanding of the state, Dr Zulfiqar Mirza would not have been able to gain political prominence in Badin district. Similarly, if it was just the Sheerazi family's pir background that resulted in their rise to power in Thatta, they could potentially also have been voted out of office like other ‘quintessential “feudal lord(s)”’, such as Mustafa Khar or Nawabzada Iftikhar Ahmed, who have lost elections in recent years (Akhtar 2012). It is evident that there is more to people's relationship and understanding of the state beyond pir s and biraderi s in Pakistan. If not through hierarchical social relations or, to quote Mohmand, as ‘patrons, brothers and landlords’ (2011), how then do people construct the state, citizenship and the relationship between them? This chapter answers these questions by using anthropological tools to interrogate what the state means ‘from below’. This is then complemented by an interrogation of citizenship ‘from below’ in order to understand the wider state–citizen relations in Pakistan. Does a citizenship framework hold any meaning for people and how do they see their rights and responsibilities as citizens of this state? Studies on citizenship in Pakistan have concluded that the concept does not exist in the political imagination of people. An explanation that is often provided for this shortcoming is that the state has failed to provide a framework or foundation on which citizenship can be built (Kabeer et al. 2012). Instead, the focus of the state has been an exclusionary religious foundation that ‘seeks to create practicing Muslims rather than democratic citizens’ (Ahmad 2004, 39; also see Lall 2012b, Dean 2005, Leirvik 2008). This work generally builds upon definitions and understanding of ‘universal’ citizenship often problematised for being context-specific. Yet much of the work emphasising the failure of the Pakistani state to build a framework for citizenship, or participatory democratic citizens, has been developed using European liberal ideals considered ‘universal’ that have very little flexibility built into them (Delanty 1997).

It could be argued that since the dawn of the peace-building era in the early 1990s, public participation in constitution-making processes has developed into a transnational legal norm. Internation ...

The relationship between language and music has much in common - rhythm, structure, sound, metaphor. Exploring the phenomena of song and performance, this book presents a sociolinguistic model for analysing them. Based on ethnomusicologist John Blacking's contention that any song performed communally is a 'folk song' regardless of its generic origins, it argues that folk song to a far greater extent than other song genres displays 'communal' or 'inclusive' types of performance. The defining feature of folk song as a multi-modal instantiation of music and language is its participatory nature, making it ideal for sociolinguistic analysis. In this sense, a folk song is the product of specific types of developing social interaction whose major purpose is the construction of a temporally and locally based community. Through repeated instantiations, this can lead to disparate communities of practice, which, over time, develop sociocultural registers and a communal stance towards aspects of meaningful events in everyday lives that become typical of a discourse community.

A photo by Spanish photojournalist Enrique Meneses portrays Fidel Castro reclining in a guerrilla camp at night, reading by candlelight. With the caption “Fidel Castro in the Sierra Maestra,” he is framed as the subject of this photo. But what caught my eye and my imagination is the woman to his right, who sits beside him, head bowed, holding the candle for Fidel to read by. Who is she? Meneses does not tell us. In all likelihood, she is a bit actor who played a minor role in the insurrection. But without her and many more like her, Fidel would never have succeeded. This book is, in part, a people's history of the Cuban insurrection. The focus is principally but not exclusively upon women, whose history of activism has been acknowledged but remains largely unexplored. Given the spotlight trained upon Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, and to a lesser extent other rebel leaders, a focus that includes rank and file women forces one off the literature's center stage to inquire about those who held the candle for Fidel to read by, smuggled messages down the mountain, planted bombs in theaters, or hid rebels in their home. These are decidedly not the bearded rebels romanticized (or vilified) in the literature. Indeed, some guerrilla combatants were women. Such women combatants inform the post-1958 Cuban official historical narrative, the Cuban War Story central to the construction of the New Woman in the new revolutionary society. But the attention to armed combatants – men and women alike – obscures two essential elements of the insurrection. First, as this study makes clear, insurrections are not only won or lost through bullets and battlefield heroics but through the more mundane tasks that women and lower-status men perform. Second, the Cuban War Story featuring guerrilla warfare obscures the battle for hearts and minds. The Castro-led July 26 Movement (M-26-7) put considerable effort into this latter battle, and women were central as both strategists and gendered subjects. This foray into a women's history of the Cuban insurrection aims not only to right the past wrongs of women's exclusion, important as that is.

“Many people wrongly think it is [just] the Association that should come to the defense of each individual, but it should be the opposite.” – Resident of La India, Santander, 1995 (ATCC Archives) “The guerrilla respects the thinking of the Association [ATCC]. There's no reason why it should disappear. On the contrary, it should be strengthened.” – FARC Commander, 2001, near La India, Santander (ATCC Archives) “The mentality of the armed groups has changed a lot and we respect certain things.” – Paramilitary Subcommander, 2001, near La India, Santander (ATCC Archives) One Saturday morning in La India, an elder conciliator invited me to join him at the Adventist mass. Since the church had a strong influence on the ATCC's nonviolent approach, I jumped at the chance. From the main street, we walked a few minutes through a small wooded area and came upon a clearing and the church. I watched as the congregation greeted each other, then we entered and sat in a pew in the front row. As the service began, the people sang hymns and read along from the prayerbook. I quickly lost my place, however, so I quietly nudged my companion to ask him where we were. So as not to disturb the songs, he whispered, “I don't know.” Since he was following along and skimming the pages with his finger, I quizzically asked, “What do you mean you don't know?” He looked over at me sheepishly, shrugged his shoulders, and said, “I don't read.” His reply was stunning, and was an epiphany for how impressive the mobilization of the ATCC and other communities around Colombia truly was. Indeed, how is it that ordinary people like this elder conciliator are able to confront violence? The answer is a story of organization. Civil wars are not fought in social vacuums. They are fought in social landscapes. These landscapes are often variable, with notable social differences from one town or village to the next. My central argument is that these differences shape how civilians cope with civil war conflict and, in turn, how they are treated by armed actors. In this chapter, I outline a theory of when, how, and why variation in cross-community characteristics, such as organization, affect outcomes for civilians in civil war settings.

Natural resources in and around protected areas in many countries in Africa are under intense pressure as a result of illegal behaviours, such as fishing, hunting and logging. A better understanding of local views on the nature of illegal behaviours and relevance of conservation actions would considerably inform conservation decisions. We gathered information on the attitudes and perceptions of communities residing around Ugalla Game Reserve in western Tanzania towards illegal behaviours and the effectiveness of conservation practices, using household surveys, key informants, and focus groups. We found that Ugalla reserve was an important source of local livelihoods (e.g. fishing, logging and beekeeping), and >45% of respondents were happy that it existed. Nonetheless, the reserve was illegally used by local people, especially for hunting (28%; SE 6) and logging (20%; SE 5). Other behaviours that were problematic for conservation included setting wildfires (13%), extensive tobacco farming (10%) and grazing (8%) that people perceived as causing extensive vegetation damage in the partially protected areas around Ugalla. Local communities felt isolated, harassed and intimidated by approaches used to protect Ugalla. They were angered at Ugalla being conserved as a trophy hunting site for foreigners, and excessive force and beatings used by game rangers to keep them away from it. Improving local livelihoods (17%), participatory conservation (16%), and giving some land to people for their agricultural activities (16%) were among the ways that local communities felt would reduce illegal activities. Our study suggests the need for conservation measures to benefit local communities around Ugalla transparently and equitably. Outreach programs would help to raise conservation awareness and attract positive attitudes towards conservation. To encourage local support for conservation, we also suggest conservation authorities create and maintain good relations with villagers near the reserve.

This article examines how contemporary Cuban American artists have experimented with visual languages of trauma to construct an intergenerational memory about the losses of exile and migration. It considers the work of artist Alberto Rey, and his layering of individual loss onto other, traumatic episodes in the history of the Cuban diaspora. In the series Las Balsas (The Rafts, 1995–99), Rey explores the impact of the balsero (rafter) crisis of 1994 by transforming objects left behind by Cuban rafters on their sometimes ill-fated journeys to the United States into commemorative relics. By playing on a memory of absence and the misplacement of objects found along the migration route of the Florida Straits, Rey's visual language transmits the memory of grief across time, space and generational divides. Rey's visual strategies are part of an “extended memory” tied to the aesthetics of disappearance and remembrance in contemporary Cuban American art. His use of objects as powerful memory texts that serve to bring fragmented autobiographical, family and intergenerational testimonies of loss together suggests how visual artists can provide us with more collective, participatory and redemptive models of memory work.

ObjectiveTo develop a national nutrition and mental health research agenda based on the engagement of diverse stakeholders and to assess research priorities by stakeholder groups.DesignA staged, integrated and participatory initiative was implemented to structure a national nutrition and mental health research agenda that included: (i) national stakeholder consultations to prioritize research questions; (ii) a workshop involving national representatives from research, policy and practice to further define priorities; (iii) triangulation of data to formulate the agenda; and (iv) test hypotheses about stakeholder influences on decision making.SettingCanada.SubjectsDiverse stakeholders including researchers, academics, administrators, service providers, policy makers, practitioners, non-profit, industry and funding agency representatives, front-line workers, individuals with lived experience of a mental health condition and those who provide care for them.ResultsThis first-of-its-kind research priority-setting initiative showed points of agreement among diverse stakeholders (n 899) on research priorities aimed at service provision; however, respondents with lived experience of a mental health condition (themselves or a family member) placed emphasis on prevention and mental health promotion-based research. The final integrated agenda identified four research priorities, including programmes and services, service provider roles, the determinants of health and knowledge translation and exchange. These research priorities aim to identify effective models of care, enhance collaboration, inform policy makers and foster knowledge dissemination.ConclusionsSince a predictor of research uptake is the involvement of relevant stakeholders, a sustained and deliberate effort must continue to engage collaboration that will lead to the optimization of nutrition and mental health-related outcomes.

This paper attempts to explore the social production of architecture in contemporary Chinese rural villages through a case study on the Community Centre in Xihe Village. This community project, designed and built in 2014, exemplifies a lesser-known type of Chinese architectural practice engaging in a local and specific context, which suddenly gave participation a dramatic image in current breakneck Chinese rural-urban transition of large scale and rapid speed. By looking at this highly specific case through a detailed description and critical evaluation, this paper takes this participatory architectural project as the very first critical example of the socially-engaged architecture in China; as presenting an alternative architecture of resistance in response to the top-down guiding principle ‘Construction of A New Socialist Countryside’ launched by the government in 2005. Source material was collected through fieldwork in the village, including observational study, photographic documentation, and intensive formal and informal interviews with practitioners, authorities, and villagers. The analysis emphasizes the social process and consequences of different stages of this building, in order to explore hidden potentials and methodologies tailoring the architectural design and construction to the site-specificity. The social consequence of the building process is much more important than the object produced. By investigating the architectural version within a broader framework combining anthropology and activism, the paper attempts to introduce a more socially resilient way of making architecture in the current Chinese rural-urban transition. On the one hand it addresses the contingencies in working with underprivileged village communities in inner rural China, which have scarce resources and fragile identities; on the other hand it cuts through the surface of rural vernacular China to expose the undercurrent of silent issues in architecture that constitute the indigenous, the everyday, resistance, transition, and resilience.