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Objective:To evaluate the effects of Chile’s 2016 regulation restricting child-directed marketing of products high in energy, saturated fats, sodium and sugars on reducing children’s exposure to ‘high-in’ television food advertising.Design:Television use by pre-schoolers and adolescents was assessed via surveys in the months prior to implementation and a year after implementation. Hours and channels of television use were linked with the amount of high-in food advertising observed in corresponding content analyses of food advertisements (ads) from popular broadcast and cable channels to estimate changes in exposure to food ads from these channels.Setting:Middle-lower and lower-income neighbourhoods in Santiago, Chile.Participants:Pre-schoolers (n 879; mothers reporting) and adolescents (n 753; self-reporting).Results:Pre-schoolers’ and adolescents’ exposure to high-in food advertising in total decreased significantly by an average of 44 and 58 %, respectively. Exposure to high-in food advertising with child-directed appeals, such as cartoon characters, decreased by 35 and 52 % for pre-schoolers and adolescents, respectively. Decreases were more pronounced for children who viewed more television. Products high in sugars were the most prevalent among the high-in ads seen by children after implementation.Conclusions:Following Chile’s 2016 child-directed marketing regulation, children’s exposure to high-in food advertising on popular broadcast and cable television decreased significantly but was not eliminated from their viewing. Later stages of the regulation are expected to eliminate the majority of children’s exposure to high-in food advertising from television.

ObjectiveTo determine the frequency and content of food-related television (TV) advertisements shown on South African TV.DesignFour national TV channels were recorded between 15.00 and 21.00 hours (6 h each day, for seven consecutive days, over a 4-week period) to: (i) determine the number of food-related TV advertisements; and (ii) evaluate the content and approach used by advertisers to market their products. The data were viewed by two of the researchers and coded according to time slots, food categories, food products, health claims and presentation.ResultsOf the 1512 recorded TV advertisements, 665 (44 %) were related to food. Of these, 63 % were for food products, 21 % for alcohol, 2 % for multivitamins, 1 % for slimming products and 13 % for supermarket and pharmacy promotions. Nearly 50 % of food advertisements appeared during family viewing time. During this time the most frequent advertisements were for desserts and sweets, fast foods, hot beverages, starchy foods and sweetened drinks. The majority of the alcohol advertisements (ninety-three advertisements, 67 %) fell within the children and family viewing periods and were endorsed by celebrities. Health claims were made in 11 % of the advertisements. The most frequently used benefits claimed were ‘enhances well-being’, ‘improves performance’, ‘boosts energy’, ‘strengthens the immune system’ and ‘is nutritionally balanced’.ConclusionsThe majority of food advertisements shown to both children and adults do not foster good health despite the health claims made. The fact that alcohol advertisements are shown during times when children watch TV needs to be addressed.

ObjectiveTo provide an independent monitoring report examining the ongoing impact of Australian self-regulatory pledges on food and drink advertising to children on commercial television.DesignAnalysis of food advertisements across comparable sample time periods in April/May 2006, 2007, 2009, 2010 and 2011. The main outcome measure comprised change in the mean rate of non-core food advertisements from 2006 to 2011.SettingSydney free-to-air television channels.SubjectsTelevised food advertisements.ResultsIn 2011 the rate of non-core food advertisements was not significantly different from that in 2006 or 2010 (3·2/hv. 4·1/h and 3·1/h), although there were variations across the intervening years. The rate of fast-food advertising in 2010 was significantly higher than in 2006 (1·8/hv. 1·1/h,P< 0·001), but the same as that in 2011 (1·5/h).ConclusionsThe frequency of non-core food advertising on Sydney television has remained essentially unchanged between 2006 and 2011, despite the implementation of two industry self-regulatory pledges. The current study illustrates the value of independent monitoring as a basic requirement of any responsive regulatory approach.

The increase in body weight in the USA over the past several decades is now commonly referred to as the ‘obesity epidemic’. An empirical analysis of the literature suggests that the increased weight can be accounted for by an increase in food intake. The solution to the obesity epidemic, therefore, must centre on a reduction in food consumption, a position well accepted by the American population who think that they, as individuals, are responsible for their adiposity by holding the belief that the decision as to what and how much to eat is determined by their own free will. The evidence demonstrates, however, that this is not true. Variables such as portion size, variety of foods offered, fat content of the diet, the number of people eating, the location where eating occurs and even watching food advertisements act as ‘food primes’ causing individuals to increase their energy intake. Despite the plethora of diets, weight-loss clubs, drugs and mechanical devices available to facilitate weight loss, once treatment is terminated and people return to the ‘free’ environment, their weight returns to pre-treatment levels. Only when individuals are protected from environmental variables by gastric surgery or limited to consume only portion-controlled meals can they successfully maintain a reduced weight. Combining the technique of daily weight monitoring with accepting that our eating behaviour is not determined totally by our free choice, we may be able to curb the obesity epidemic.

ObjectiveTo document socio-economic differences in exposure to food advertising, including advertisements for foods high in fat, salt and sugar (HFSS) as defined by the UK Food Standards Agency's Nutrient Profiling Model.DesignA cross-sectional survey. Information (including product advertised and viewing figures) on all advertisements broadcast in one UK region over one week (6–12 July 2009) was obtained. Food advertisements were identified and linked to nutritional information on the content of advertised foods.SettingUK Tyne-Tees television region.SubjectsData were sourced from a UK-wide television viewing panel.ResultsEleven per cent of advertising seen was for food and 63 % of food advertising seen was for HFSS foods. The proportion of all advertising seen that was for food was smaller among viewers in the least v. most affluent social grade (OR = 0·98, 99 % CI 0·95, 1·00). There was no difference in the proportion of food advertising seen that was for HFSS food between viewers in the most and least affluent social grades. Total exposure to both all food advertising and HFSS food advertising was 2·1 times greater among the least v. the most affluent viewers.ConclusionsWhile the least affluent viewers saw relatively fewer food advertisements, their absolute exposure to all food and HFSS food advertisements was higher than that of the most affluent viewers. Current UK restrictions prohibit advertisements for HFSS foods during programmes with a high proportion of child viewers. Extending these to all programming may reduce socio-economic inequalities in exposure to these advertisements and in diet and obesity.

ObjectiveTo explore differences in the prevalence of outdoor food advertising, and the type and nutritional content of advertised foods, according to an area-based marker of socio-economic position (SEP) in a city in Northern England.DesignAll outdoor advertisements in the city were identified during October–December 2009, their size (in m2) estimated and their location determined using a global positioning system device. Advertisements were classified as food or non-food. Food advertisements were classified into one of six food categories. Information on the nutritional content of advertised foods was obtained from packaging and manufacturer's websites. An area-based marker of SEP was assigned using the location of each advertisement, grouped into three affluence tertiles for analysis.SettingA city in Northern England.SubjectsNone.ResultsIn all, 1371 advertisements were identified; 211 (15 %) of these were for food. The advertisements covered 6765 m2, of which 1326 m2 (20 %) was for food. Total advertising and food advertising space was largest in the least affluent tertile. There was little evidence of socio-economic trends in the type or nutritional content of advertised foods.ConclusionsDespite an absence of socio-economic differences in the type and nutritional content of advertised foods, there were socio-economic differences in food advertising space. There may also be socio-economic differences in exposure to outdoor food advertising.

ObjectivesTo evaluate the feasibility of the UK Nutrient Profile (NP) model for identifying ‘unhealthy’ food advertisements using a case study of New Zealand television advertisements.DesignFour weeks of weekday television from 15.30 hours to 18.30 hours was videotaped from a state-owned (free-to-air) television channel popular with children. Food advertisements were identified and their nutritional information collected in accordance with the requirements of the NP model. Nutrient information was obtained from a variety of sources including food labels, company websites and a national nutritional database.ResultsFrom the 60 h sample of weekday afternoon television, there were 1893 advertisements, of which 483 were for food products or retailers. After applying the NP model, 66 % of these were classified as advertising high-fat, high-salt and high-sugar (HFSS) foods; 28 % were classified as advertising non-HFSS foods; and the remaining 2 % were unclassifiable. More than half (53 %) of the HFSS food advertisements were for ‘mixed meal’ items promoted by major fast-food franchises. The advertising of non-HFSS food was sparse, covering a narrow range of food groups, with no advertisements for fresh fruit or vegetables.ConclusionsDespite the NP model having some design limitations in classifying real-world televised food advertisements, it was easily applied to this sample and could clearly identify HFSS products. Policy makers who do not wish to completely restrict food advertising to children outright should consider using this NP model for regulating food advertising.

ObjectiveTo describe the pattern and prevalence of food and drink advertisements to children on commercial television in Sydney, Australia, and compare these with advertising regulations set out in the Children's Television Standards and results from a similar study in 2002.DesignData were collected by recording television from 06.00 hours until 23.00 hours on all three commercial channels from Sunday 14 May 2006 to Saturday 20 May 2006 (357 h). The study analysed advertisements in two children's viewing periods, one as defined in the 2002 study and the other according to current standards. Food advertisements were coded using 18 food categories and were analysed by time period and popular children's programmes.ResultsFood advertisements occurred in similar proportions during children's viewing hours and adult's viewing hours (25.5 vs. 26.9% of all advertisements, respectively), although there was a higher rate of high-fat/high-sugar food advertisements during children's viewing hours (49 vs. 39% of all food advertisements,P ConclusionDespite reductions in overall levels of food advertising, children continue to experience high levels of exposure to food advertisements, which remain skewed towards unhealthy foods. Further food advertising regulation should be required to curtail the current levels of advertising of high-fat/high-sugar foods to children, to make them commensurate with recommended levels of consumption.

Food advertisements on mainstream television have received less research attention than those on children's television. Little is known about how television food advertisements vary internationally or if there have been changes over recent years. We describe food-related television advertisements and the nutrient content of foods advertised during prime-time television in Ontario, Canada and the UK in 1991 and 2006. Information on what advertisements were broadcast were obtained from video recordings and audience research bureaux. Data on nutrient content of foods advertised were obtained from manufacturers and standard food tables. The proportion of advertisements that were food related decreased between 1991 and 2006 in both countries. The frequency of food-related advertisements was relatively constant in Canada but decreased between 1991 and 2006 in the UK. In 1991, advertisements for beverages and meals predominated in both countries. By 2006, food-related advertisements in Canada were dominated by meals and restaurants. In the UK advertisements for food stores and beverages predominated. The 'TV diet' in Canada in 1991 was relatively high in fat, high in alcohol and low in fibre, compared to current recommendations. By 2006, this had changed to high in fat and sodium and low in fibre. The 'TV diet' in the UK in 1991 was high in fat, sodium, sugar and alcohol and low in fibre compared to current recommendations. By 2006, the UK 'TV diet' was high in sodium, sugar and alcohol and low in fibre. Foods advertised on 'prime-time' television do not reflect a healthful diet.