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Adoniram Judson’s life and work have long been the subject of popular and scholarly interest, but the intellectual and exegetical background for his Burmese Bible translation has not been closely studied. This background was the biblical studies movement in New England, which began in the early nineteenth century and flourished before declining and eventually disappearing by about 1870. The opposing New England orthodox Calvinist and liberal Unitarian schools were equally involved in the movement. Judson was an early product of Andover Theological Seminary, the center for orthodox Calvinism in New England. From 1816 to 1840 Judson translated the Bible into Burmese and his references to the scholarly works he used, along with the text-critical and interpretive decisions in his Bible translation, identify him as an ongoing participant in the New England biblical studies movement. This scholarly background helps us understand interpretive decisions in the Judson Bible, which is still the main Burmese version used by Protestants in Myanmar.

Alexander Crummell's application to enter the General Theological Seminary in 1839 was problematic for the Episcopal Church. Admitting the African American abolitionist would have exacerbated divisions over slavery within a denomination still recovering from the American Revolution and the Second Great Awakening. The Church's increasing financial dependence on its upper-class members was a further complication. In Northern states the social elite supported anti-abolitionist violence, whilst in the South support for the Church came predominantly from slaveholders, who opposed any form of abolitionism. In order to safeguard the Episcopal Church's future, the denomination had to reject Crummell's application.

Various attempts at establishing Anglican theological education were made after the arrival in 1848 of Robert Gray, the first bishop of Cape Town, but it was not until 1876 that the first theological school opened in Bloemfontein. As late as 1883 half of the Anglican priests in South Africa had never attended a theological college. The system of theological education which developed afterwards became increasingly segregated. It also became more centralised, in a different manner for each race. A central theological college for white ordinands was established in Grahamstown in 1898 while seven diocesan theological colleges were opened for blacks during the same period. These were reduced to two in the 1930s, St Peter's College in Johannesburg and St Bede's in Umtata. The former became one of the constituent colleges of the Federal Theological Seminary in Alice, Eastern Cape, in 1963.

The theses offered here for discussion constitute a response to theses published by my Princeton Theological Seminary colleague, George Hunsinger. The debate carried out between us has to do not only with the question of how Karl Barth's theology is to be understood, but also with how his theology is to be taken up today in order address pressing issues of concern. As the debate has unfolded, it has centred upon three areas of questioning: 1) the genetic-historical question of how Karl Barth's theology developed, whether his mind changed on important issues and in what way; 2) the question of whether Barth's later christology (in volume IV of theChurch Dogmatics) would require modifications to be made in his earlier treatment of the doctrine of the Trinity (inCDI/1), his christology (inCDI/2) and of the being and perfections of God (inCDII/1); and 3) the question of the logical relationship between God's eternal act of election (as treated by Barth inCDII/2) and God's triunity. The last question does indeed take me beyond Barth, but it does so in a way that does full justice to the christological commitments found in his doctrine of reconciliation. The position I set forth here is one I have held to with a high degree of consistency since 1994 – which means that it antedates the publication of my book on Barth's theological development in 1995. Since that time, I have been engaged in a process of further elaboration and clarification.

Lucian Pye, long-time political science professor at MIT, past president of the American Political Science Association, passed away aged 86 on 5 September 2008. He was known particularly for his perceptive analysis of Chinese political culture and his central role in building institutions for the study of China. Lucian Pye was born in Shanxi where his father Watts O. Pye was a Congregational missionary. Watts, a Minnesota farm boy born in 1878, studied at Carleton College and in 1907, immediately after graduating from Oberlin Theological Seminary, went to Fenzhou mission, Shanxi province. Only seven years earlier, all but two of the missionaries then at the mission had been killed by the Boxers. Watts was unable initially to relate to the local people because he arrived without language training, but he nevertheless became very successful in helping the mission raise money, gain converts and expand the number of churches. He became a leader among missionaries in China, raising money for a hospital and for nearby roads and helping found the Oberlin-Shanxi programme. He saw his role as an educator, setting up bible training as a vehicle for gaining converts. However, as he observed the low quality of leadership in some of the churches established by the mission, he began to focus on identifying promising young men and supporting them to get better training in seminaries. He died in 1926 aged 48 when Lucian was only five,1 but Lucian remained in Shanxi with his mother Gertrude Chaney Pye who had joined the Fenzhou mission before her marriage. After some years in Oberlin, Ohio schools, Lucian returned to China with his mother, attending high school at the North American School in Beijing. As an undergraduate at Carleton College, Lucian met Mary Toombs Waddill. They married in 1945 and became life-long partners. She is listed as a co-author of the book Asian Power and Politics: Cultural Dimensions of Authority, but she played a key role as editor, typist and sounding board for all his works, as Lucian gratefully acknowledged at the beginning of each book. Combining dedication and intellectual vitality with Southern graciousness and generosity, Mary was Lucian's inseparable companion. Lucian's best childhood friend, Chuck Cross, and two of his closest later friends, Doak Barnett and John Lindbeck, all shared the same background, as children of missionaries in China who served as US marines in China during the

The mid twentieth century was an important period of theological and liturgical change for mainline Protestants. Theologically, the optimistic liberalism of the turn of the century came under sharp critique from a variety of theologians who sought to give greater attention tc the historic Christian doctrines. Liturgically, the practices of evangelicalism were compared to historic models of Christian worship and found wanting. No American was more prominent in the theological critique than Reinhold Niebuhr (1892–1971). After rising to national prominence as a preacher and essayist while serving as a pastor ir Detroit, Michigan, he joined the faculty of Union Theological Seminary in New York City in 1928 and gained an international reputation as a social ethicist, preacher, and advocate of a theological perspective known variously as “Christian realism” or “neo-orthodoxy.” It is less well known that as part of his theological program Niebuhr advocated liturgical reform. From his days in Detroit when he confessed devoting an entire fall “to a development of our worship services” to the height of his career when he warned that “a church without adequate conduits of traditional liturgy” is “without the waters of life,” Niebuhr was vitally concerned with “the weakness of common worship in American Protestantism.”

In 1650 the distinguished church historian Archbishop James Ussher of Ireland announced his meticulously calculated time of the Creation: early Saturday evening, 22 October 4004 B.C.E., a date immortalized in the margins of countless Bibles for nearly three centuries. Among evangelical Protestants who believed in the inerrancy of Scripture this date came to mark the beginning of human history. For some believers it remained a landmark until the late twentieth century; others abandoned it as early as the 1860s. Among American evangelicals no one played a more important role in discrediting Ussher's chronology than William Henry Green, an Old Testament scholar at Princeton Theological Seminary. One of Green's Princeton colleagues called his demonstration of Ussher's fallacy “the most important biblical discovery of our time.” In some ways it was, although its full impact did not come until the second half of the twentieth century.

G.Sherwood Eddy (1871–1963), a leading figure in American Protestantism through the first half of the twentieth century, is currently most often relegated to footnote references or mentioned only in relation to two of his most famous colleagues, Kirby Page and Reinhold Niebuhr. He was, however, one of the most renowned international evangelists of the time who worked closely with John R. Mott and Robert Speer in the Young Men's Christian Association (YMCA) and the Student Volunteer Movement (SVM). While a student at Yale, Eddy experienced a dramatic deepening of faith in 1889 at the famous Northfield Student Conference and then, while a student at New York's Union Theological Seminary and later at Princeton Theological Seminary, joined the SVM. Despite his seminary study, Eddy chose to remain a layman all his life. As a YMCA traveling evangelist in India from 1896 to 1911 and in Asia from 1911 to 1931, Eddy embodied many of the attitudes and methods of Protestant global mission for the approximately fifty years of its greatest activity. Primarily engaged in student evangelization, Eddy manifested a deep ambivalence toward the method of mission work. An examination of Eddy's life reveals that in Eddy one finds both the cultural imperialism with which nineteenth-century missionaries are often charged and a sensitivity to other peoples and a commitment to indigenous churches and leadership.While Eddy's ministry spanned over five decades, this essay concentrates on Eddy's labor prior to World War I, for in those years Eddy was most in conflict withhimself.

The story is a familiar one, found in nearly every narrative text of American religious history In the summer of 1806, five Williams College students met in a grove of trees to pray for divine guidance and to discuss their religious faith and calling. While seeking refuge from a summer rainstorm under a haystack, Samuel J. Mills, Jr., and the other four students consecrated their lives to overseas missions. This incident, later publicized as the Haystack Prayer Meeting, became the pivotal event in the launching of American Protestantism's foreign missionary movement. Mills and several comrades carried their vision from Williams to Andover Theological Seminary, where they created a more formal organization that eventually led to the establishment of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) in 1810. In the hagiography of missions, Mills is revered as the “father” of American foreign missions and Williams as the birthplace. Subsequently, Mills's “sons”—the alumni of Williams—followed precedent: from 1810 to 1840, Williams provided more missionaries to the ABCFM than any other American College.

The last number of this Journal was already in print when news came of the death on 19th February of Dr Alan Lewis, who served for many years as one of our editors. The following tribute by President Stotts of Austin Presbyterian Theological Seminary speaks for all who knew and valued Alan Lewis as a colleague and friend.

(ProQuest: ... denotes non-US-ASCII text omitted.)The Oxford Movement: Europe and the Wider World, 1830-1930 . Edited by Stewart J. Brown and Peter B. Nockles . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press , 2012. xii + 273 pp. $99.00 cloth.Book Reviews and NotesThe Oxford Movement: Europe and the Wider World, 1830-1930 is a collection of essays by a group of international scholars examining the impact of the catholic revival within Anglicanism. Its origin was an Oxford conference in September of 2008. In a way the volume is a successor to the 1933 volume Northern Catholicism edited by N. P. Williams. But whereas the earlier volume had many foci (theology, aesthetics, the moral life, spirituality, and so forth) this volume is rigorously historical, and much more international in scope.The essays are divided into three sections: "Prelude," "Beyond England: The Oxford Movement in Britain, the Empire, and the United States," and "The Oxford Movement and Continental Europe." The prelude is a fine essay by Peter B. Nockles exploring the culture of Oxford's Oriel College, where the movement had its birth. A number of the essays in section 2 attempt to cast new light on their subjects by picking them up by a new handle. Thus Stewart J. Brown suggests that the Catholic revival had some of its greatest influences not on the Scottish Episcopal Church but on the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. The "Scoto-Catholic Movement" led to liturgical and devotional changes and to an emphasis on the catholic nature of that church. In Rowan Strong's essay on the Jerusalem bishopric controversy (in which it was proposed that the English church and the Prussian church sponsor a bishop in Jerusalem), he does not focus on John Henry Newman's well known criticism of the project but on Henry Edward Manning, who was much more positive, seeing it as a way of extending Anglicanism into the world. Nockles attempts the same change of handles in treating the Oxford Movement in America. Rather than focusing on American Episcopal sources he taps English observations of American events, and the correspondence of James McMaster, one of the country's Roman Catholic converts. He provides some fresh insights, particularly from the correspondence of John Henry Newman. Unfortunately this approach leads to some factual errors (Isaac Hecker was never a student at the General Theological Seminary), glaring omissions (such as the pro-Tractarian bishop of New York, Benjamin Tredwell Onderdonk), and questionable claims such as that the American Episcopal Church never had a strong evangelical component. …

It is a joy for me to contribute to a volume of essays dedicated to Krister Stendahl. I owe him a particular debt of gratitude. From the time that I—an immigrant from Holland—started to teach at Union Theological Seminary in New York in 1955 until today, Krister has been a model for me of what it means to be not only a conscientious scholar but also a Christian theologian. Through the turbulent years of the sixties and early seventies he always found time to counsel and guide me—however much we were geographically separated from each other.

One hundred and seventy years ago, on 17 July 1816, the Society for the Promotion of Theological Education in Harvard University was established, thus beginning a process that led to the founding of a “faculty of theology” or Theological Seminary at the University. Undergraduate education at Harvard College had by this time moved quite far from the founders' original concern to provide a literate ministry to the churches. By the beginning of the nineteenth century Harvard men were educated in a broad curriculum oriented more toward liberal education than professional training. So the theological faculty was created in order to provide specialized training for those preparing to enter the Christian ministry

South Africa's most prolific and influential historian still awaits a biographer. Such brief biographical sketches of his life as do exist say little about his career before he began work in the Cape archives in the late 1870s. Given the views he espoused in his later writings, it is at first surprising to find that he spent over five years at the Lovedale Seminary outside Alice in the eastern cape working closely with missionaries and Africans. An examination of this period of his life throws light on his historiographical career as a whole and reveals new complexities in his character.In the early 1870s Lovedale was the most influential institution of its kind in South Africa. A non-sectarian, non-denominational Christian school and a theological seminary, it had been founded by Scottish Presbyterian missionaries in 1841. It was rejuvenated under the leadership of Dr. James Stewart--missionary, medical doctor, explorer--who came to it as teacher in 1867 and took over as its second principal in 1870. Stewart emphasized the importance of “industrial” activities, including printing and bookbinding, and greatly enlarged Lovedale's intake of students. Drawing Africans not only from the eastern Cape but increasingly also from farther afield, the school grew from 92 pupils in 1870 to 336 in 1873 and 460 in 1876.In mid-1872 Stewart needed someone who could both teach and supervise the printing works. George McCall Theal met these requirements. He had taught at a small elementary school at Knysna in the late 1850s, then from 1867 in the public undenominational school at King William's Town, later to be known as Dale College.

Historians of religion in America, as enamored of marking “watersheds” in our culture as other scholars, have long used the famous “Briggs Case” as an event for marking that cultural moment when American mainline Protestants, mostly kicking and screaming, began to confront officially the higher criticism of the Bible. Charles Augustus Briggs, as students of Gilded Age religion know well, was a professor of scripture at New York's Union Theological Seminary who, between 1891 and 1893, underwent a peripatetic heresy trial in various Presbyterian church courts—“the most notorious event in 19th century American church history,” as one of its chroniclers has described it—for advocating the application of modern historical-critical methods to the biblical record.

The papers in this collection were generated by Rev. Vernon Anderson, a Presbyterian missionary who served in the Belgian Congo. Born in Illinois in 1896, Anderson was raised in Alabama where he attended the Alabama Presbyterian College. After graduation he continued his studies at the Presbyterian Theological Seminary in Louisville, from which he received his B.D. degree in 1920. Anderson joined the American Presbyterian Congo Mission and assumed a post with that mission in the Kasai Province in 1921. The earliest Presbyterian missionaries to work in the Congo had established a station at Luebo in 1891. Their missionary efforts were concentrated among the Bena Lulua of the Lulua river valley. Anderson, however, was sent to the station of Bibanga situated near the Lubilashi river in the area southeast of Luebo. Bibanga lay within the broad area between Lake Tanganyika and the Kasai river in which the Luba live. The Baluba have been separted into two groups--the Baluba-kasai and the Baluba-katanga--by one present-day scholar. The Baluba-lubilashi are a subgroup of the Baluba-kasai.Anderson was one of the first missionaries to work among the Baluba-lubilashi, from 1921 to 1946. In addition to his duties as a missionary he spent a considerable amount of time studying Luba society, in part through the collection of primary data from informants. From this material he wrote a Ph.D. dissertation entitled Witchcraft in Africa: A Missionary Problem and received his degree in 1942 from the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. Another project to engage his scholarly interest in the Luba was the revision of an early Tshiluba-English dictionary.

In the summer of 1843 there called at the plain and obscure study of a young man in Berlin two visitors from America. They were a committee in search of a professor of theology in the German Reformed Theological Seminary, in Mercers-burg, Pennsylvania. They had consulted Tholuck, Julius Müller, and Neander, as to the most fitting man for the position. All pointed to young Schaff. The delegates visited him to make the offer in person. Though only twenty-four years old, he had given strong proof of his ecumenical quality. A native of Switzerland, he had gone to Tübingen and Halle for his initial theological studies; had been drawn later to Berlin to complete them, under that “last of the Church Fathers,” Neander; and had made an iter academicum to Italy. He was now entering upon his duties as an academic teacher in the University of Berlin. He accepted the call to America. But he was not to leave the Old World without giving still further proof of that intense cosmopolitan spirit which grew with his years and expanding knowledge. The young Teuton was already eager to learn of Anglo-Saxon theology. It was a prophecy of his later unifying power.

Just after the turn of the nineteenth century, the Rev. Samuel Miller, then a Presbyterian minister in New York but soon to become a professor of ecclesiastical history at the newly-founded Princeton Theological Seminary, published his ambitious Retrospect of the Eighteenth Century. He remarks in due course that “it would be improper to pass in silence the celebrated IMMANUEL KANT, Professor at Koeningsberg, in Prussia.” He then goes on to comment on the “extravagant panegyrics” of Kant's disciples, but having heard “that the acutest understanding cannot tolerably comprehend [this profound and extensive system] by less than a twelve-month's study,” he satisfied himself with a brief second-hand report. The incident might be considered an accurate commentary on the state of “Continental influence on American Christian thought” in 1803.

The Mercersburg Theology derived its name from the town of Mercersburg in Franklin County, Pennsylvania. Here was the seat of Marshall College from 1835 to 1853, and of The Theological Seminary of the Reformed Church in the United States from 1837 to 1871. While Mercersburg gave the institutions “a local habitation and a name,” they owed their distinctive doctrines to the genius of the German and the Swiss Reformed people in America and to the influence of the contemporary German philosophy and theology.

My first practical acquaintance with this species began at New Brunswick, N.J., in the spring of 1889. In the Rutgers College campus there are a considerable number of elms, many of them grand old trees, which for several seasons ins succession and up to 1888 had been defolidated by Galeruca xanthomelœna, larva and imago. A double row of young trees, many of them elms, extends from the College campus to the Theological Seminary, a distance of about 280 yards, and at the beginning of this row, most distant from the Seminary, the Experiment Station building in situated. There are also a considerable number of elms among the other shade trees in this part of the city.

On April 10, 1931, the Supreme Judicial Court of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, acting under the doctrine of cypres, decreed that henceforth Andover Theological Seminary should forever be relieved of subscription to1 its creed and that “hereafter no professor should ever be called into question because of inconsistency with the creedal requirements of its Constitution and Statutes.”

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Professional Schools in the United States, whether of medicine, law, engineering, or theology, are of relatively recent orgin. It is a matter of interest that the ministry was the first profession in America for which a technical and standardized training was provided. While the first law school in America was founded in the same year as the oldest theological seminary (1784), the courses were loosely organized and there was no definitely prescribed amount of work required of graduation and no academic requirement for the practice of law. In all the institutions where there were law departments or law schools, even as late as the middle of the last century, the law students were considered as distinctly inferior to the regular college students.

An expedition under the writer's archaeological direction and sponsored by Drew University, McCormick Theological Seminary and the American Schools of Oriental Research completed its fourth season of excavation at Tell Balâtah, the ancient Shechem, in 1962. The site lies at the eastern opening between Mts. Ebal and Gerizim, forty-one miles north of Jerusalem. The earlier Sellin expedition had reported two strata of Hellenistic settlement at the site, though the date and extent of the occupation were not clarified. The Drew-McCormick Expedition has been particularly concerned with the Hellenistic occupation for two reasons: (1) The opportunity to clarify an obscure age in the cultural history of Palestine and especially to develop a ceramic typology, with chronologically fixed points, so that a more precise means of dating may be available for the archaeology of the period; (2) the problem of the historical meaning of the Hellenistic ruins at Shechem.

The following lectures were delivered in March, 1926, at the Union Theological Seminary in New York. Only the opening sentences have been slightly altered. I had originally intended to give a general survey of the numerous tendencies and movements in present-day German theology, but the situation is so complicated that such a survey would necessarily have been superficial. I therefore preferred to follow a single trend of thought and direct attention to a movement which seems most characteristic of the present situation, and which is likely to command the interest if not the assent of American theologians. I must say at the outset that this movement is entirely opposed to what we older men have been taught and have ourselves been teaching. Yet it is only fair to acknowledge that the leaders of the movement have something to tell us, and that they know how to impress the younger generation. At this moment we are actually speaking of a “Theology of Crisis.” That is the subject which I have attempted to elucidate in these lectures. And since the subject has not hitherto been treated in English, I have thought fit to append a complete bibliography. In that bibliography works or papers mentioned in the course of the lectures are marked with an asterisk.

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“What do they know of Luther, who only Luther know?” This question posed by Professor Gordon Rupp is apposite as one commemorates the 450th Anniversary year of Martin Luther's Ninety-Five Theses. The discovery of Luther's biblical lectures has led to a renaissance in Luther studies. Would not careful attention to Catholic commentaries in the period between Luther and Trent provide that perspective suggested in Rupp's more than rhetorical question? In a recent study attention is drawn to humanistic influences on the decree of April 8, 1546 at Trent.8 I should like to draw attention to the Catholic biblical study of Marino Grimani (1486–1546), Clemens Aranis (1482–1559), and Ambrosius Catharinus (1484–1553) which is necessary to an understanding of the context of that April 8, 1546 decree on scripture and tradition at Trent. By thus observing part of the Catholic reaction to Luther one understands in a different way the importance for the people of God of Luther's study of the word of God. That difference relates to the definition of authority which is beyond the scope of this descriptive essay.

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In his inaugural address at the Union Theological Seminary, Robert T. Handy called attention to the present possibility of reexamining the whole course of church history from unitive perspectives. Handy pointed out that “the church historian in an ecumenical era can with particular profit devote special attention to the unitive hopes, dreams, and actions of the past.”

I will not repeat the technical description of the two Coptic codices now at the University of Mississippi, since that was done two years ago in Oslo by my colleague, Professor William Willis, and summarized in the Journal of Biblical Literature (LXXVIII, part I, March 1959, 15 f.) by Professor Bruce Metzger of the Princeton Theological Seminary. I am interested only in their content and significance.

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