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This paper aims to describe the historical evolution of the cooperation between the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (COMECON) and Mexico following the signing of their cooperation agreement in August 1975, which remained in effect until COMECON'S demise in 1991. To this end, a brief analysis is made of the antecedents of this international body, which was created within the so-called socialist bloc, and a review is conducted of the body's conception of international cooperation. After covering the historical context behind the mentioned agreement's negotiation, its legal framework, context and scope are reviewed. This paper thereby seeks to contribute to the historical memory of cooperation policy and its international regime, with particular reference to COMECON and Mexico in the period known as the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to demonstrate that the role of traditional authorities in today's Guinea Bissau is embedded in a long-term history that goes back to their pre-colonial and colonial history. Looking back to the situation of traditional authorities by the end of the colonial period (the early '70s), the paper discusses the different configurations of legitimacy of present-day authorities in relation to both local population and State authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a relational analysis of populism. After placing the rise of contemporary European populism in the post-Cold War context, the static definition of populism as a "thin-centred" and restrictive ideology is exposed. A definition of populism as a process is used, in contrast with the tendency to apply static definitions. The figure of Pablo Iglesias is in this sense presented as an exemplary case that demonstrates the limitations of the use of these static definitions. The EU is also examined as a body that is spearheading the depoliticising processes that provoke the populist reaction - placing the focus on the "New Intergovernmentalism" to interpret the integration dilemmas - and the populist-technocratic and liberal-democratic dichotomies are addressed as historical endosymbioses. Finally, consideration is given to what should be done about the populist impasse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from the SAHWA Youth Survey 2016 (2017), this paper presents a study of the degree and types of political and religious participation - as well as the links that connect one to the other - among the youth of five Arab Mediterranean countries (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt and Lebanon). In politics, four types of participation are distinguished: official, everyday, community and protest. Between 5% and 17% of those surveyed could be considered hyperactivists, in that they participate in three or four of these types; in around a third, there was no participation at all. On the other hand, the majority of the young people considered themselves to be highly religious and, in three of the countries, a third attended the mosque at least three times a week. But the levels of religiosity did not influence political participation, as even the majority of the highly religious supported separating politics from religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A year after the First World Humanitarian Summit (Istanbul, May 23rd- 24th 2016), this paper seeks to contribute to the analysis of some of the main challenges facing the international humanitarian system, which has over the last decades suffered from a double process of problematisation and politicisation. To do this, a critical dialogue is established between social constructivism, post-structuralism, post-colonialism, feminism and the anthropology of aid, which, among other post-positivist schools, have emphasised the need to place the controversies related to "identity politics" within humanitarianism at the centre of international political debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazil is a signatory to various international treaties against gender violence and has a specific law on the issue: the "Maria da Penha" Law (LMP), the tenth anniversary of the approval of which was in 2016. This law is the first systematic mechanism against gender violence in the country. This paper analyses the validity of this legislation over these ten years, studies the mechanisms created to halt domestic violence against women and assesses their effectiveness. Finally, some current challenges for the policy combating gender violence in Brazil are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]