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This paper examines the use of English in Greek fashion magazines. It assesses the frequency of the use of English in these media, uncovers its discourse forms and functions, and illustrates why English is being used in the first place. As it is shown, English mainly takes the form of naming and headings and what characterizes its use is creativity and innovation. Through language play, intertextual references, clips, deliberate spelling mistakes, and alternations of the intended meaning of idiomatic phrases, English has a variety of functions such as creating emphasis and attracting the reader's attention. Like other settings where English bears a non-official status, the use of English features capitalizes on the symbolic and indexical value of this language. English is used because it symbolizes progression, innovation, and success and because it indexes knowledge of and association with globalized fashion and beauty discourses and styles circulating worldwide in fashion magazines, on social networking sites, and platforms. The findings of this study can be used to examine the extent of the homogenization of the fashion discourse worldwide while similar studies can be conducted with different types of media to compare the way that English is used in a variety of contexts in Greece and elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces Alasdair MacIntyre's account of the development of the Greek polis as presented in A Short History of Ethics, After Virtue, and Whose Justice? Which Rationality?. The paper argues for the centrality of Aristotle's conception of politics as an architectonic art to this account. It explores the foundations of MacIntyre's presentation of moral rationality in Homer and offers the poems of Hesiod as an aid to understanding MacIntyre's view of the post-Homeric crisis in Greek ethics. Aristotle is then invoked to show how MacIntyre represents the polis as a classical response to that crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines current energy-related disputes in the Eastern Mediterranean. It does so by situating them in the context of the Middle East's broader geopolitical landscape and by showing how global powers' interests and involvement have become contingent on the international and regional political environments. The latter augmented the intensity of the contestation and helped move identifiable and tangible factors, such as Exclusive Economic Zones, into the imaginative realms of geopolitics. They also provided the concerned actors with opportunities to balance out their adversaries and, by implication, diminished their willingness to compromise. Although the global powers' interest in Eastern Mediterranean energy resources is limited, the European Union does have interests in these reserves and related aspects. The fact that the monetisation of these resources is highly dependent on the EU market provides the EU with an immense amount of "buyer power" to stabilise the region and potentially balance the fears of both Greece and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Eastern Mediterranean region has been the subject of global power competition for many decades. Europe, Russia, and the United States have at different stages and in changing configurations sought to exercise influence in and power over various countries in the Eastern Mediterranean. But over the course of the past decade, the aforementioned triangle has been reshaped into a quadrangle. A new external actor has emerged and firmly planted its flag in the Eastern Mediterranean. The fourth country in question is the People's Republic of China. This article focuses on Greece, Turkey, and Israel as empirical examples of China's expanding footprint in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All of them criticized the problematic treatment of immigrants either by state authorities, specific societal groups or the international community at large (e.g., the EU border agency Frontex, originally founded in 2004), especially when these immigrants intended to cross the borders to other European countries. Keywords: NGO sector; civil society; Greece; foreign immigration; refugee crisis of 2015; government-nonprofit relations EN NGO sector civil society Greece foreign immigration refugee crisis of 2015 government-nonprofit relations 251 268 18 08/09/22 20220701 NES 220701 1 Introduction Being a liberal democratic country, a European Union (EU) member state (since 1981) with a stable political system and a close ally to the Western world, Greece would theoretically be a prime host of a firm civic space. In particular, the last Joint Ministerial Decision 10616 of 9 September 2020 was criticized as impeding civic spaces in the country in disagreement with European standards and the European Convention on Human Rights ([5]); for example, because of the vague reasons for refusing NGO authorization; the unrestrained discretion of state authorities to deny registration for an NGO; the excessive requirements and complex procedures for NGO registration; and the arbitrariness, non-proportionality and inflexibility of related state decisions. [Extracted from the article]

The article compares the failed self-transformation attempt in 1973 in Greece and the actual transition that occurred in 1983 in Turkey. These two cases of regime-initiated transitions to democracy with differing outcomes beg the question: If the 1973 transition in Greece led to a crippled democracy controlled by themilitary (as in Turkey 10 years later), why was it brought to an abrupt end by the very group that it was supposed to benefit—i.e. the military themselves? The author seeks to answer this question by comparing the position of the Turkish and Greek military in their respective power structures, which produced different regimes (hierarchical in Turkey vs. non-hierarchical in Greece).Moreover, in both cases, the transitions were not perceived as equally benefitting the military—hence the different outcomes, i.e. the failure of the Greek transition and the problematic democracy in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]