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This study offers a quantitative and qualitative approach to the syntactic functions of the pronoun en from Archaic Catalan to Modern Valencian. In order to describe these, the functional behaviour of its predecessor, the Latin adverb ĭnde, is discussed, and its meanings are explained through grammaticalisation. A corpus of texts selected from the Corpus Informatitzat del Català Antic (CICA), the Corpus Informatitzat del Valencià (CIVAL) and the Corpus Informatitzat de la Gramàtica del Català Modern (CIGCMod) is analysed. The various occurrences of the pronoun en are identified, their syntactic functions are delimited and quantified, and the data are submitted to statistical analysis. The results show that the syntactic functions of en exhibit a high degree of continuity with respect to Latin ĭnde. The analysis demonstrates that partitives and lexicalisations constitute the very functional core of the pronoun en through time and they are the only functions that strongly survive in Modern Valencian. The progressive decay of the rest of the functions – a decay that in today's language is also affecting partitives and lexicalisations – provides a faithful picture of the pathway of the linguistic change affecting Catalan. The progressive recession of the functionality of en can be considered an exponent of this linguistic change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the development of the contrastive-partitive function of the possessive =eš in colloquial Persian. Examples of colloquial Persian show that the third person singular clitic pronoun =eš in some adnominal possessive constructions does not refer to any obvious referent present either in the syntactic structure (co-text) or in the situational context. Instead, the function of =eš, namely contrastive-partitive, is to mark the host as a part and contrast it with other parts of the similar set. The same function is attested in a few languages of Uralic and Turkic group. We believe that the same development has been occurred in possessive =eš in Persian. To describe the process of the development of the contrastive-partitive function, authentic colloquial examples from Internet blogs and formal examples from a historical corpus of New Persian are investigated. It is argued that this non-possessive function of =eš has originated from the whole-part relation in cross-referencing possessives, where both the lexical and clitical possessor =eš are present. The presence of the lexical possessor facilitates the loss of referentiality in =eš and it is developed to denote partitivity. Furthermore, the pragmatic motivation of communicating contrast makes =eš to be further grammaticalized into denoting contrastive-partitive function. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we analyze partitive objects under negation (NPOs) in the Northern Italian dialectal (NID) domain and discuss their diachronic and synchronic relation with both partitive constructions and partitive articles. We take into exam the areal distribution of the phenomenon, its syntactic variation and the different factors that regulate this variation. The main claim of the paper is that NPOs in the NIDs are a special type of grammaticalized partitive constructions, where negation licenses a silent quantifier and the preposition expresses extraction from a 'whole'. In other words, the development of NPOs is similar to that of partitive articles, but they have not lost the partitive meaning. This explains why they appear only with plurals and singular mass nouns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes a usage-based perspective on the partitive genitive construction in Dutch (iets moois, ‘something beautiful’), which has previously drawn scholarly attention from a theoretical perspective, due to the challenges it presents to Dutch nominal morphosyntax. We will argue that a good understanding of the construction at issue cannot circumvent the enormous variation in the expression of the genitive marker. Within the wide variation space, regular patterns can be discerned, which we uncovered by using mixed-effects logistic regression. This approach allows us to assess the precise contribution of internal factors (e.g. length of the adjective, or the type of quantifier) and external factors (e.g. regional variety, or register), as well as their interactions. This article has three objectives then: first, it wants to contribute to the description of Dutch syntax, second it aspires to advance methodological standards in grammatical investigation, and third, it makes a theoretical plea for a usage-based perspective, with full recognition of variation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims at a more satisfying explanation of differential object case marking (DOM), and demonstrates that a group of mass nouns displays properties that are preserved in derivation. The central tenet of all accounts relates the Finnish type accusative-partitive DOM to the distinction between mass and count noun objects. I challenge this established view by introducing new data from Estonian: deadjectival mass nouns that unexpectedly behave like count nouns in DOM. I propose an account that has a wider coverage of data and is based on the scalar and boundedness-related properties of the base adjectives of the derived abstract nouns. Typically, the unexpected count-like behavior occurs with abstract nouns that are derived from adjectives that cannot denote open scales for various lexical-semantic and pragmatic reasons. Since the semantic properties of scales as well as the pragmatic standards determining boundedness are preserved in the course of derivation, they are cross-categorial properties. These findings are also relevant in understanding of the role of lexical aspect and aspectual composition as well as the links between morphosyntax in language and norms and standards in cognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the interplay of aspect and quantity in the Finnish system of object-marking the opposition between the partitive object and the (morphologically heterogeneous) total object plays a central role. The received view holds that the partitive object indicates incompleteness of the event in one way or another: it is used if the event does not take place at all (negation); if the aspect is unbounded; or if the quantity of the object referent is open (unbounded). The total object is used in affirmative sentences that indicate bounded aspect together with a closed quantity affected in full. Recent grammars have crystallized the three conditions of the partitive into a hierarchy of decreasing strength: negation > aspect > quantity: negation triggers the partitive irrespective of both aspect and quantity, and unbounded aspect triggers it irrespective of quantity. The article elaborates the hierarchy and argues that the aspectual function of the partitive is in fact not monolithic but consists of three different sub functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A surprising property of the Ancient Greek bare partitive genitive NP in the subject position is that it behaves morphosyntactically in many ways as a nominative-marked NP: (i) while being in the logical subject position, it triggers semantically driven verbal agreement and, (ii), it may be coordinated with nominatives. This is striking, since obliques typically do not have access to agreement in ancient Indo-European languages including Ancient Greek. To account for this discrepancy, I assume a covert head of the partitive genitive that is filled by pro with an arbitrary reference ( proarb) by default; else, this position can be filled by any quantifier or determiner. It is this proarb that gets Case and triggers verbal agreement. The presence of the proarb in Ancient Greek explains also why the 'independent' partitive genitive is not restricted to structural positions only (as are partitives, e. g., in Finnic languages) but can occur at any position including non-argumental adverbials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]