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Political parties are a suitable option when one wants to implement a democratic system in a country, and this process has undergone plenty of changes over time. The best way for political parties to become attractive for citizens is to show that they share the same interests, usually through election promises. In terms of pledge fulfillment, there isample research made by academic writers and we can identify certain reasons for which political parties fulfill their electoral promises or not. My paper has two components and aims to identify the situation of fulfilling the electoral promises of a political party in Romania in 2020. I propose to add to the previous papers a supplement, having as case study of a political party „Alliance for the Union of Romanians” in Romania. The gap I was able to identify in the literature refers to Romanian political parties and their rate of pledge fulfillment. The thesis I illustrate an answer in this paper is” Why does (or does not) the party AUR keep its electoral promises?”. The purpose of this paper is to find out whether or not the party AUR has fulfilled its electoral promises (and in what percentage) and what are the main causes that have influenced the fulfillment of these promises. The data collected come from online sources, more specifically all the AUR party posts on social portals and legislative initiatives, both in the Senate and in the Chamber of Deputies, and the method used for data analysis is process tracing. My results are represented by a small rate of fulfilling electoral pledges (17,64%) and 6 specific causes that affected this rate (one of them didn’t go through, four of them showed why these percentage is so low and the last of them showed why the percentage is not 0%).

The article highlights a new trend in brand behavior, especially global ones: brand activism. Brand activism involves brands taking public positions on social and political issues. They are addressed to society as a whole and not just to a commercial target. Brands take positions despite the risks they face. This type of stance emerged in the context of the crisis of legitimacy of heteronomous discourse (especially in the United States), being at the same time a defensive reaction and an opportunity for brands to occupy new discursive territories. In the first part, I presented the main features of brand activism, insisting on political activism. The second part is, in fact, a hermeneutic analysis of the discourse transmitted through the brand campaign of eMAG, especially through the advertising clip "Freedom every day" from October 2019. I showed that, in reality, this was a campaign of brand activism, overlapping with part of the 2019 presidential election campaign and trying to stimulate the #resist movement. The association of two different campaigns (brand campaign and brand activism campaign) as well as the inconsistent mix of communicated values, especially through the advertising clip, but also through the entire campaign, made the reception to be predominantly negative. Finally, the brand activism cannot reached its target.

This is a incipient analysis which aim is to present some points of view that have coagulated in the short period since the general elections on December 11th, 2016. Our approach is trying to identify those well-known elements for the specialists, which have generated the downward slope for PNL, since the local elections in June 2016 to the parliamentary elections in December. We aim to make this endeavor because we believe that this party politicsl result was the surprise element of these elections.

For Romania, the 90’s have been the decade of transition to a democratic political system (with everything it implies: more parties, free elections, the separation of powers, rights and political freedoms etc.). But has taking this institutional model also lead to acquiring the underlying values that support it? How far has Romania come on the road to a participative democracy, to a society that has a strong civic culture, as defined by classical authors such as Almond and Verba? How many of the traits of social capital, as defined by Putnam, can be found in the post-revolutionary public space? We knew, from research, that this democratic system was desirable (there is no need to enumerate the many research papers, in particular Euro-barometer surveys, which referred to Romanians’ support for democracy, rule of law and economic freedom). But beyond the rhetoric, which was and is, in fact, the real situation? If we take the statements into account, Romanians are participative, want political pluralism and many parties and want support elements of liberal democracy – but do they take advantage of these rights? Are they active citizens, organized in a dynamic civil society? Do they engage with public decisions and policies even after the election period? Are we a society where politics matter only in election years or one in which political and civic participation is stimulated and active the rest of the time? Research helps us in this regard. In this article we present conclusions supported by surveys conducted in recent years by the InfoPolitic Center for Studies and Research (SITC), for the Multimedia Foundation for Local Democracy.The list of questions is extensive because it takes into account a huge dissonance noticed during the 90s by people in our generation – the great distance from words to actions! Romanians received rights and freedoms which, from our point of view, they have rarely used – and without impact. Political Romania has been active only in election years, which is why the profile of stimulated civic participation is extremely fragile.

This article reflects the dinamics of the integration of the voters from the Republic of Moldova into the Romania’s electoral process. The legal permission of holding the double citinzenship had a direct impact on the the interest of the moldovans that also hold the romanian citizenship to determine Romania’s political destiny and to participate at the selection of the political elite from the neighbouring country. The study aims to identify the most vulnerable and mobilizing issue for the electorate from this region, during the presidential elections. Already as a tradition, this is the subject of the union between the two countries. The electorate from the Republic of Moldova does not vote in relation with some doctrinal principles; it makes the choice in relation with the position the political actor adopts on the subject of the union.

The study below aims to put together the main electoral strategies and instruments for the local campaigns. Basically, this is a theoretical illustration of the steps that should be made in different constituencies in the electoral process and it can be a useful guide for politicians or campaign managers.

We witnessed the collapse of classic electoral campaign recipe