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Abstract Increasing caesarean births is a global trend and of recent origin in India. Besides its utility and disutility, increasing caesarean births exert higher economic burden on households and the nation. Using 148,746 births from the National Family Health Survey, 2015–16, this paper examines the correlates and provides comparable estimates of out of pocket expenditure (OOPE) on caesarean births in public and private health centres in India. The monthly state specific rural-urban consumer price index and the OOPE on births over seven years are used to derive comparable OOPE estimate at 2016 prices. A composite variable combining type of birth and place of delivery is computed and classified as private and caesarean, public and caesarean, private and non-caesarean, public and non-caesarean. Descriptive statistics, logistic and tobit regression model were used to understand the differentials and determinants of OOPE on caesarean births. Caesarean births were significantly higher among mothers belonging to higher socioeconomic status, first order births, mothers with high BMI, pregnancy complications, repeat caesarean and in private health centres confirming that both maternal demand and institutional factors are leading to the increasing in caesarean rates in India. The mean OOPE of caesarean births in public health centres of poorer states was higher than that in the richer states of India (US$107 in low performing states compared to US$88 in high performing states) while such differentials across private health centres are small. The marginal effect of a caesarean birth in private health centres in low performing states was US$296 dollar higher than that of non-caesarean births. Improving the public health centres for conducting caesarean births, developing standard guideline for clinical practices in conducting caesarean births and creating awareness on comprehensive pregnancy care can reduce the caesarean rates and OOPE on caesarean birth in India. Highlights • Incraese in caesarean births are due to both maternal and clinical factors. • Three of ten first-order births were caesarean; higher than any subsequent order. • Caesarean rate among mothers with prior caesarean births was above 90 percent. • OOPE of a caesarean birth in public health centre of poorer states was high. • Medicine and test accounts larger share of OOPE in public health centers in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evidence from developing countries demonstrates a mixed relationship of overweight/obesity with socioeconomic status (SES) and place of residence. Theory of nutrition transition suggests that over the course of development, overweight first emerges among rich and urban people before spreading among rural and poor people. India is currently experiencing a rapid rise in the proportion of overweight and obese population especially among adult women. Under the backdrop of huge socio-economic heterogeneity across the states of India, the inter-state scenario of overweight and obesity differs considerably. Hence, this paper investigates the evolution over time of overweight and obesity among ever-married Indian women (15–49 years) from selected ‘underweight states’ (Bihar, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh, where underweight proportion is predominant) and ‘overweight states’ (Kerala, Delhi and Punjab, where overweight is the prime concern), in relation to a few selected socio-economic and demographic indicators. This study analysed National Family Health Surveys- NFHS-2 (1998–99) and NFHS-3 (2005–06) following Asian population specific BMI cut-offs for overweight and obesity. The results confirm that within India itself the relationship of overweight and obesity with place of residence and SES cannot be generalized. Results from ‘overweight states’ show that the overweight problem has started expanding from urban and well-off women to the poor and rural people, while the rural-urban and rich-poor difference has disappeared. On the other hand in ‘underweight states’ overweight and obesity have remained socially segregated and increasing strongly among urban and richer section of the population. The rate of rise of overweight and obesity has been higher in rural areas of ‘OW states’ and in urban areas of ‘UW states’. Indian policymakers thus need to design state-specific approaches to arrest the rapid growth of overweight and its penetration especially towards under-privileged section of the society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: There is growing concern that climate change will lead to more frequent natural disasters that may adversely affect short- and long-term health outcomes in developing countries. Prior research has primarily focused on the impact of single, large disaster events but very little is known about how small and moderate disasters, which are more typical, affect population health. In this paper, we present one of the first investigations of the impact of small and moderate disasters on childhood morbidity, physical growth, and immunizations by combining household data on over 80,000 children from three waves of the Indian National Family and Health Survey with an international database of natural disasters (EM-DAT). We find that exposure to a natural disaster in the past month increases the likelihood of acute illnesses such as diarrhea, fever, and acute respiratory illness in children under 5 year by 9–18%. Exposure to a disaster in the past year reduces height-for-age and weight-for-age z-scores by 0.12–0.15 units, increases the likelihood of stunting and underweight by 7%, and reduces the likelihood of having full age-appropriate immunization coverage by nearly 18%. We also find that disasters'' effects vary significantly by gender, age, and socioeconomic characteristics. Most notably, the adverse effects on growth outcomes are much smaller among boys, infants, and families with more socioeconomic resources. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: India experienced tremendous economic growth since the mid-1980s but this growth was paralleled by sharp rises in economic inequality. Urban areas experienced greater economic growth as well as greater increases in economic inequality than rural areas. During the same period, child health improved on average but socioeconomic differentials in child health persisted. This paper attempts to explain wealth-based inequalities in child mortality and malnutrition using a regression-based decomposition approach. Data for the analysis come from the 1992/93, 1998/99, and 2005/06 Indian National Family Health Surveys. Inequalities in child health are measured using the concentration index. The concentration index for each outcome is then decomposed into the contributions of wealth-based inequality in the observed determinants of child health. Results indicate that mortality inequality declined in urban areas but remained unchanged or increased in rural areas. Malnutrition inequality increased dramatically both in urban and rural areas. The two largest individual/household-level sources of disparities in child health are (i) inequality in the distribution of wealth itself, and (ii) inequality in maternal education. The contributions of observed determinants (i) to neonatal mortality inequality remained unchanged, (ii) to child mortality inequality increased, and (ii) to malnutrition inequality increased. It is possible that the increases in child health inequality reflect urban biases in economic growth, and the mixed performance of public programs that could have otherwise offset the impacts of unequal growth. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Rationale and objective Fewer than 15% of adults who meet criteria for a depression diagnosis in India seek treatment for these symptoms. It is unclear whether this reflects limited supply of mental health services or lack of demand for medical intervention for these experiences. This paper aims to identify and describe self-reported barriers that contribute to this "treatment gap" in a rural district in central India, where depression treatment had recently become available in primary care facilities. In this qualitative study we conducted in-depth interviews with 35 adults who screened positive for depression and who had not sought treatment for their condition, and 15 of their relatives. We analysed the data using the framework approach. A key barrier to seeking health care for psychological symptoms was lack of perceived need for treatment for these symptoms. Low perceived need for health interventions arose because participants frequently attributed depression-like symptoms to their socio-economic circumstances, or to the stress of physical illness, which conflicted with the biomedical approach associated with health services. Despite widespread recognition of the links between psychological symptoms, social circumstances and physical health, it was believed that health care providers are equipped to treat only somatic symptoms, which were commonly reported. Low demand for depression treatment reflected discrepancies between the community's perceived needs and a narrow biomedical model of mental health. Meeting their needs may require a radical change in approach that acknowledges the social determinants of distress, and the interactions between mental and physical health. The capabilities approach may provide a framework for more holistically conceptualising people's needs. • Participants conceptualised their depressive symptoms as "tension" (stress). • "Tension" is seen as a natural response to poverty/physical illness/family problems. • Most participants consulted health workers but only reported somatic symptoms. • Participants did not believe that health workers could treat "tension". • Conceptualisations of health must recognise psychological, physiological and social needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]