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Highlights • We analyze the distributive politics of India's rural employment guarantee program. • We use constituency level data on state elections and program implementation 2009–16. • We find no difference in job allocation between core and marginal constituencies. • We find higher material expenditure in core constituencies of the ruling party. • Opaque electoral funding and power of special interest groups explain the results. Abstract This article analyzes the distributive politics of India's (and the world's) largest workfare program, the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act. We use a unique dataset that includes census and MGNREGA implementation data at the single-constituency level for the state of Andhra Pradesh (2009–17) across an entire election cycle (2009–14). Using regression analysis, we find that the ruling party does not use the program to buy votes neither in swing, nor in core areas of support, as we find the distribution of jobs to be 'post-clientelistic'. We explain this result – surprising in a 'patronage democracy' – with the lobbying power of big farmers, an important special interest group in India's political economy. Our analysis also shows that the ruling party's distributive strategy consists of compressing job generation in core constituencies, in order to expand expenditure on materials needed for the execution of the projects. In this way, the ruling party can channel resources to contractors, who fund the electoral campaign of the party in return as our qualitative evidence suggests. The article reinforces arguments that predict that political parties will target core areas of support and develops a bi-dimensional model of clientelism that highlights the role of contractors and opaque electoral rules in determining distributive strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary This study investigates the consequences of poor implementation in public workfare programs, focusing on the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) in India. Using nationally representative data, we test empirically for a discouraged worker effect arising from either of two mechanisms: administrative rationing of jobs among those who seek work and delays in wage payments. We find strong evidence at the household and district levels that administrative rationing discourages subsequent demand for work. Delayed wage payments seem to matter significantly during rainfall shocks. We find further that rationing is strongly associated with indicators of implementation ability such as staff capacity. Politics appears to play only a limited role. The findings suggest that assessments of the relevance of public programs over their lifecycle need to factor in implementation quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Evidence on CCT programs is positive about enrollment but mixed on learning skills. • We examine the impact of Kanyashree Prakalpya implemented in West Bengal, India. • The program effect on female school enrollment and learning outcomes is assessed. • Significant gain in enrollment but a decline in learning outcomes is observed. • Lower classroom availability and higher teacher absenteeism are potential reasons. Studies on Conditional Cash Transfer (CCT) programs have documented positive effects on school enrollment though evidence on learning outcomes is mixed. Using representative data, we evaluate one of the largest CCT programs, Kanyashree Prakalpa (KP), which was implemented in the state of West Bengal, India, in 2013. In particular, we examine the effect on female school enrollment and learning outcomes. Exploiting the timing of the program implementation for identification and applying difference-in-difference regressions, we document a positive effect on enrollment with no discernible impact on secondary and higher secondary school completion. We also observe significant improvements in lower-level learning outcomes but a marked deterioration in higher-level skills like solving simple division problems. Complementary investments like classroom availability and teacher attendance appear to have fallen after the implementation of KP, which explains the decline in learning skills despite higher schooling exposure, thereby underscoring the need for supply-side interventions in school amenities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using multiple datasets on learning outcomes of over 2 million children in the age group 8–16 years from rural India, the paper examines the prevalence and persistence of gender gap in performance in mathematics. We observe significant and persistent gender gap in mathematics, which is not found in reading outcomes. The northern states lag behind and the southern ones show a 'reverse gender gap'. Pre-existing household practices and societal gender norms are found to explain this difference significantly. The findings call for the need to understand these gaps granularly and inform gender-specific educational interventions for mathematics. • The paper examines gender gap in mathematics learning outcomes among rural Indian children. • We find significant gender gap, which is also persistent across time. • Substantial variation across states is observed with 'reverse gender gap' in some. • Patriarchal household practices and gender norms explain this gap significantly. • Gender linked education interventions are needed in states showing persistent gap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary The paper investigates prevalence of political clientelism in allocation of benefits under the rural employment guarantee program, currently implemented in India. Using survey data collected from some villages of West Bengal, it is found that households, which are politically active and supporters of the local ruling political party, are more likely to receive the benefits in terms of participation, number of days of work and earnings from the program. Qualitative evidence corroborates the findings. The study shows predominance of political favoritism under the program and lays emphasis on reducing rationing and enhancing awareness of the entitlements to curb this practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 accentuates the case for a global, rather than an international, development paradigm. The novel disease is a prime example of a development challenge for all countries, through the failure of public health as a global public good. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the falsity of any assumption that the global North has all the expertise and solutions to tackle global challenges, and has further highlighted the need for multi-directional learning and transformation in all countries towards a more sustainable and equitable world. We illustrate our argument for a global development paradigm by examining the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic across four themes or 'vignettes': global value chains, digitalisation, debt, and climate change. We conclude that development studies must adapt to a very different context from when the field emerged in the mid-20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]