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In this study, we examined the association between obesity and patient-reported outcome measures after medial unicompartmental knee arthroplasty (MUKA), assessed through score changes, Patient Acceptable Symptom State (PASS), and minimal important change (MIC). Second, the association between obesity and early readmissions was examined. A total of 450 MUKAs (mean body mass index [BMI] 30.3, range, 19.6-53.1), performed from February 2016 to December 2020, were grouped using BMI: <30, 30-34.9, and >34.9. Oxford Knee Score (OKS), Forgotten Joint Score (FJS), and Activity and Participation Questionnaire (APQ) were assessed preoperatively and at 3, 12, and 24 months, postoperatively. The 12-month PASS and MIC were also assessed, defining PASS as OKS = 30, MIC-OKS as change in OKS = 8, and MIC-FJS as change in FJS = 14. No significant differences in OKS change were found between BMI groups. After 12 months, patients who had a BMI of 30-34.9 had lower change in FJS (estimate −8.1, 95% CI −14.9 to −1.4) and were less likely to reach PASS (odds ratio 0.4, 95% CI 0.2-0.7) as well as MIC-FJS (odds ratio 0.5, 95% CI 0.2-0.9). Both obese groups had lower change in APQ after 12 months. Differences in 90-day readmission rates were nonsignificant between groups. Our findings of no differences in OKS improvement between BMI groups and achieving MIC for BMI > 34.9 suggest good improvements in obese patients despite lower preoperative scores, supporting contemporary indications for MUKA. Lower APQ development and achievement of 12-month PASS may be used when addressing expectations of recovery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the current literature on compulsory voting (CV) examines its effects by simulating complete turnout. We argue that these studies do not capture the full effects of CV, as there is something qualitatively different about compulsory voting rules as compared to only increasing turnout. Furthermore, CV and turnout have important, yet unexplored, interactive effects. To test this argument, we look at governments in 43 countries over the 1990–2006 period. Nine of these countries have some form of CV. We examine the effect of CV on the ideological position and range of governments, left party seat share, and the effective number of parties. We find that high turnout in the presence of CV laws spreads out the distribution of voters and leads to an increase in the effective number of parliamentary parties and a larger ideological range of governments. These results have important implications for how we study CV and its consequences for party strategy. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]