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Background: This qualitative study explores the stories of young urban poor Filipino family members living with recovering parental drug users who turn themselves in to local authorities and completed theKatatagan Kontra Droga sa Komunidad (KKDK). This is a community-based rehabilitation program during the Philippine government's anti-illegal drugs campaign.Methods: Young urban poor family members living with parental drug use were interviewed (n = 13) and asked to narrate their experiences of parental drug use, surrender, and recovery. Their stories were analyzed using an integrated approach to narrative analysis guided by Rhodes' framework (2002) of risk environment.Results: Narrative work of participants focused on the stories of their parents' drug use and recovery after surrendering. These stories show contexts which evoke the salience of prevailing discourse (i.e., cultural organization of Filipino family) and shaming practices in the community, and how these are embodied in the lives of our young participants. In re-telling their stories of parental drug use, our young participants (re) positioned themselves in three different ways: "I am used to it", "I was neglected", "I am angry and hurt". After their parents completed the community-based rehabilitation program, they reconstructed their parents' stories of recovery as a catalyst to improve their situation as a family unit (i.e., "their change is our change").Conclusion: Set against a national anti-illegal drug campaign, our findings contribute to a contextually nuanced perspective on the impact of parental drug use on children and families living in poverty. Policy makers and interventionists (e.g., mental health practitioners, social workers, psychologists) may need to consider young people's stories as a struggle to exercise their agency when tailoring community-based programs to respond to the needs of younger people. Challenges to advocate for psychological, social, and structural 'healing are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research supports the feasibility and acceptance of drug checking among nightlife and festival attendees. Interest in expanding drug checking to other groups of people who use drugs, including those who inject drugs, has grown. However, understanding the acceptability and feasibility of drug checking among specific cohorts, like anabolic-androgenic steroids (AAS) consumers, remains a research gap. This study explores AAS consumers' perspectives on drug checking and service preferences, aiding the preparation for drug checking delivery in Queensland, Australia. A purposive sampling technique was used to recruit 15 AAS consumers (9 males, 6 females; Mage = 36.80 years, SD = 6.12) from Australia. One-on-one semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with questions exploring participants' views on drug checking/testing and their preferences for AAS analysis. Thematic analysis was conducted with final themes established through iterative consensus. Consumers expressed frustration with the prevailing stereotypes, social stigma, and the perception of criminality associated with the use of AAS. There was a strong dependence on personal connections and trusted suppliers, with coaches exerting significant influence. Participants expressed concerns about the widespread availability of counterfeit products and underground operations. The act of using unknown AAS was likened to a game of Russian roulette, underscoring the importance of obtaining accurate information and access to reliable drug checking services. Consumers expressed a preference for a web-based platform that enables individuals to access their own test results while contributing to a comprehensive database of brand-specific testing outcomes. AAS consumers recognise the significance of monitoring their AAS use and seek a service that can not only assist them in making informed decisions regarding AAS usage but also potentially contribute to the knowledge of the wider AAS-consuming community. These findings underscore the importance of tailored education, drug checking services, and harm reduction measures to address the diverse needs of AAS consumers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Informal recycling refers to the street-based collection of discarded materials for reuse, resale, or return to a recycling facility for money. While qualitative research has explored experiences and perceptions of informal recycling, little is known about the scope and exposures associated with informal recycling among people who use drugs (PWUD).Methods: Using data from two prospective longitudinal cohorts of PWUD, we examined the prevalence of informal recycling and its association with social, structural and health risks, including criminal justice system involvement.Results: Between June 2010 and May 2015, of 1664 participants, 557 (33.5%) reported engaging in informal recycling during the study period. In multivariable generalised estimating equations (GEE) analyses, informal recycling was positively associated with injection drug use (Adjusted Odds Ratio (AOR) = 1.43, 95% Confidence Interval (CI) 1.21-1.68), public injection (AOR = 1.27, 95% CI 1.09-1.49), methamphetamine use (AOR = 1.35, 95% CI 1.05-1.72), difficulty finding harm reduction equipment (AOR = 1.16, 95% CI 1.02-1.32), and police interactions (AOR = 1.35, 95% CI 1.18-1.55). Sub-analyses revealed PWUD engaged in informal recycling were more likely to be told to move on, ticketed, stopped for jaywalking, and directed to services by police.Conclusions: These findings suggest informal recycling as a situated practice for PWUD, with potential indications for higher-risk drug use, experiencing greater surveillance, and difficulty accessing health and addiction treatment services. This research highlights the significance of the broader risk environment and the need for health-promoting policies for socioeconomically marginalised PWUD engaged in informal recycling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Existing tools for measuring blood-borne virus (BBV) and sexually transmitted infection (STI) transmission risk behaviours in substance use interventions have limited capacity to assess risk behaviours across varied social, cultural and epidemiological contexts; have not evolved alongside HIV treatment and prevention innovations; or accounted for sexual contexts of drug use including among a range of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ) sub-communities. The Substance Use and Sex Index (SUSI) is a new brief, simple tool being developed to assess change in HIV and STI risk behaviours for substance use treatment studies.Methods: A 26-item questionnaire was piloted online among community volunteers (n = 199). Concurrent and predictive validity were assessed against risk-taking (RT-18) and STI testing items (Gay Community Periodic Surveys).Results: The developed scale comprised nine items measuring: condomless penile (anal or vaginal) sex, unprotected oral sex, shared toy use, bloodplay, chemsex (consumption of drugs for the facilitation of sex), trading sex for drugs, being 'too out of it' to protect self, injecting risk and group sex. Factor-analytic approaches demonstrated that items met good fit criteria for a single scale. Significant, moderate magnitude, positive relationships were identified between total SUSI score and both RT-18 risk-taking and recent STI testing. Qualitative feedback underscored the importance of culturally-embedded question formulation.Conclusion: The results support the conceptual basis for the instrument, highlighting the need for further scale content refinement to validate the tool and examine sensitivity to change. SUSI is a step towards improving outcome measurement of HIV/BBV/STI transmission risk behaviours in substance use treatment studies with greater inclusiveness of experiences across different population groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Substantial racial/ethnic disparities exist in HIV infection among people who inject drugs (PWID) in many countries. To strengthen efforts to understand the causes of disparities in HIV-related outcomes and eliminate them, we expand the "Risk Environment Model" to encompass the construct "racialized risk environments," and investigate whether PWID risk environments in the United States are racialized. Specifically, we investigate whether black and Latino PWID are more likely than white PWID to live in places that create vulnerability to adverse HIV-related outcomes.Methods: As part of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's National HIV Behavioral Surveillance, 9170 PWID were sampled from 19 metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs) in 2009. Self-reported data were used to ascertain PWID race/ethnicity. Using Census data and other administrative sources, we characterized features of PWID risk environments at four geographic scales (i.e., ZIP codes, counties, MSAs, and states). Means for each feature of the risk environment were computed for each racial/ethnic group of PWID, and were compared across racial/ethnic groups.Results: Almost universally across measures, black PWID were more likely than white PWID to live in environments associated with vulnerability to adverse HIV-related outcomes. Compared to white PWID, black PWID lived in ZIP codes with higher poverty rates and worse spatial access to substance abuse treatment and in counties with higher violent crime rates. Black PWID were less likely to live in states with laws facilitating sterile syringe access (e.g., laws permitting over-the-counter syringe sales). Latino/white differences in risk environments emerged at the MSA level (e.g., Latino PWID lived in MSAs with higher drug-related arrest rates).Conclusion: PWID risk environments in the US are racialized. Future research should explore the implications of this racialization for racial/ethnic disparities in HIV-related outcomes, using appropriate methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This article discusses relevant literature on group sex events—defined as events at which some people have sex with more than one partner—as risk environments, with a particular focus on group sex events where people who take drugs by non-injection routes of administration participate and where the event is not primarily LGBT-identified, at a “classic” crack house, nor in a brothel. It also briefly presents some findings from a small ethnography of such events. Group sex participation by people who take drugs by non-injection routes of administration seems to be widespread. It involves both behavioural and network risk for HIV and STI infection, including documented high-risk behaviour and sexual mixing of STI- and HIV-infected people with those who are uninfected. Indeed several HIV and STI outbreaks have been documented as based on such group sex events. Further, group sex events often serve as potential bridge environments that may allow infections to pass from members of one high-risk-behavioural category to another, and to branch out through these people''s sexual and/or injection networks to other members of the local community. The ethnographic data presented here suggest a serious possibility of “third party transmission” of infectious agents between people who do not have sex with each other. This can occur even when condoms are consistently used since condoms and sex toys are sometimes used with different people without being removed or cleaned, and since fingers and mouths come into contact with mucosal surfaces of other members of the same or opposite sex. In addition to being risk environments, many of these group sex events are venues where risk-reducing norms, activities and roles are present—which lays the basis for harm reduction interventions. Research in more geographical locations is needed so we can better understand risks associated with group sex events in which drug users participate—and, in particular, how both participants and others can intervene effectively to reduce the risks posed to participants and non-participants by these group sex events. Such interventions are needed and should be developed. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper presents findings relating to injecting drug users’ experiences and opinions of public toilets illuminated with fluorescent blue lights and presents an empirical assessment of the intended deterrent effect of such installations. Data analysis identified that blue lights deterred less than half the sample interviewed. Furthermore over half (18/31) of the sample were prepared to inject in conditions specifically designed to deter injecting practice. Of these, 11 respondents were completely undeterred and 7 individuals were only partially deterred by blue light environments. These findings are discussed within the interpretative frameworks of Pierre Bourdieu''s theory of habitus and symbolic violence. The authors conclude that fluorescent blue lights contribute towards the development of situated resistance by injecting drug users within a public injecting habitus; a resistance that produces and reproduces drug-related harm and is a behaviour that opposes the symbolic violence of harm reduction intervention. The paper concludes with suggestions for theory-driven practical intervention that may seek to disrupt the harmful elements of the public injecting habitus. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: Although considerable research has been conducted to identify the behavioural characteristics that predispose individuals to inject drugs or become infected with HIV via injection drug use, much less research has been conducted on structural and policy determinants, cultural norms, stigma, and ecological factors which may affect drug use risk behaviour, users’ networks and HIV rates associated with drug use across geographic areas. For programme planners, whether official or grassroots, an understanding of place-based characteristics can help better identify risk environments to injection drug use-related HIV, and determine how to facilitate actions regarding public policy and harm reduction to aid in the reduction of risk. As such, we consider in this commentary the importance of geographic place and the socio-spatial and political processes related to place that may help determine where IDU-related HIV risk environments occur. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article provides a critical analysis of existing approaches to the prevention of heroin overdose in Australia. It draws on almost 2 years of ethnographic research with street-based injecting drug users (IDUs), street-based sex workers and service providers in Melbourne, Australia''s second largest city, and on recent anthropological and sociological work on governmentality. The substantive sections of the article argue: (1) that heroin overdose prevention in Australia contains implicit or explicit assumptions of rationality and personal autonomy, continues to emphasise individual behaviour change and inscribes a self-disciplined, self-aware, self-regulating subject; and (2) that the social, cultural and economic realities—the ‘lived experience’—of street-based IDUs and sex workers may undermine or hinder the successful adoption of overdose prevention strategies. The paper concludes by arguing that the ‘chaotic’ practices of street-based IDUs and sex workers arise in response to particular ‘risk environments’, and that individually focused overdose prevention strategies, while an important first step, need to be complemented by measures addressing the macro- and micro-aspects of risk environments. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The purpose of this study was to explore the daily activity spaces of female sex workers living with HIV in the Dominican Republic and assess the relationship between activity path and location-based risk exposure measures and daily drug use. The study employed a micro-longitudinal observational study design using an innovative 7-day travel diary to capture daily activity routes and a 7-day mobile health (mHealth) daily diary to collect daily substance use behaviors among 51 female sex workers. To estimate between-subject variability, a series of crude and adjusted modified log-Poisson repeated measures regression models with generalized estimating equations, clustering by individual with a compound symmetry working correlation structure were fit to estimate the relative risks and 95% confidence intervals. Controlling for individual level factors, findings showed that female sex workers exposed to a higher number of risk outlets (e.g., liquor stores, bars, hotels, nightclubs, brothels, etc.) within 200 and 100-meters of sex work locations were at an increased risk of daily drug use (RRadj: 1.03, 95%CI: 1.01, 1.05, RRadj: 1.05, 95%CI: 1.01, 1.09). No association was detected between activity path exposure and daily drug use. These findings illustrate the importance of moving beyond static residential neighborhood boundaries for measuring risk exposures and highlight the significant role that daily work environments have on drug harms among a highly stigmatized and vulnerable population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Over the past decade, there has been mounting recognition that opioid use and related mortality and morbidity is a significant public health problem in rural, non-urban areas across the globe. Taking what has been termed the 'opioid crisis' as a starting off point, this article aims to systematically review the qualitative literature on the ways in which rurality shapes the risk for opioid-related harm.Methods: A systematic review was undertaken using database searches and secondary reference list searches for qualitative literature on rural and non-urban opioid-related harms. A total of 32 qualitative studies met the inclusion criteria. Data extraction was performed in NVivo 12 using a codebook based on the 'risk environment' framework.Results: The findings explore how rurality shapes the risk environment for opioid-related harms through four environment influences: (1) economic conditions, including economic transition and deindustrialisation that has occurred in many rural areas, and the high levels of economic distress experienced by rural residents; (2) physical conditions, including a lack of infrastructure and recreation opportunities, larger geographic distances, and limited transportation; (3) social conditions, where social networks could be both protective but also amplify risk through a lack of knowledge about treatment and risk behaviours, a lack of anonymity and stigmatisation of people who use opioids in rural areas; and (4) policy conditions including limited coverage and availability of harm reduction and drug treatment services, and stigmatising service provider practices.Conclusions: The impact of rurality on risk of opioid-related harm is multifaceted. We suggest that future research on rural opioid use would benefit from drawing on the theoretical toolkit of rural criminology to attend to the ways the 'rural crisis', and attendant insecurities, anxieties and strains, impacts upon rural communities and shapes risk, along with how socio-cultural characteristics of the rural 'organise' risks of drug use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]