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International audience; This paper explores the concept of hegemony to understand how power relates to hegemony and the potential influence of hegemony on business relationships. The nature of hegemony, its connections to the power literature and its impacts on customer-supplier relationships can expose the mechanisms that contribute to sustaining inequality in asymmetric relationships. We bridge the concept of hegemony (with roots predominantly from the international relations and sociology fields) to the relationship and interaction literature showing the derivations, distinctions and potential evolutions of literature combining power and hegemony in customer-supplier relationships. A conceptual framework, 'the hegemonic triangle', identifies a hegemonic approach to customer-supplier relationships involving dominance, mastery and authority. Hegemonic relationships may evolve from imbalanced power of a customer over a supplier through determinedly and unilaterally imposing these three facets to exert influence over a supplier. The hegemonic triangle is situated at three boundary levels of influence; the contract, the market, and ideology. Hegemony is positioned at the meta level and represents a spatial domain impacting mental models of actors who legitimize practices and ideas. The paper presents an agenda for research linking hegemony and power to guide future conceptual and empirical developments in B2B relationship and interaction studies.

This paper interrogates the attention that Chelsea Manning has received within the academy. It begins from the observation that despite being responsible for the largest classified document leak, work within Political Geography and International Relations that engages with this data remains notably scant. This claim emerges from a systematic search of peer-reviewed materials using WikiLeaks materials as their empirical base, compiling a database of papers written about Manning. We then examine the possible reasons for this absence, focusing upon a series of what we term ‘obfuscating practices’ by which state actors complicate access to publicly accessible knowledge, including access to the US Army's Freedom of Information Request Website, and the court documents from Manning's court-martial. Finally, we look at claims of an embargo around the publication of academic work in this area, conceptualising this as a politics of paranoia and commenting upon the implications of this for knowledge curation within the academy.

The UK’s two-tier immigration system ((1) free movement for citizens of the EU and (2) controlled migration from the rest of the world) has now ended. Mobility rules post-Brexit have resulted in a three-tiered system of rights: (1) those with settled status; (2) those covered by the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) who will enjoy limited mobility rights as part of trade in services liberalisation commitments between the UK and the EU; and (3) the rest who will compete for access on the basis of their skills. The TCA cements the transformation of the UK-EU relationship from one of a union of states tied by a common supranational citizenship to that of an economic partnership. The mobility regime under the TCA reflects this new dynamic: there no longer exists a stand-alone right to move; instead mobility is a composite part of trade. Trade-related mobility, however, is not new in international relations; in fact, it is a global right under the WTO’s GATS agreement. The question for this paper is whether the new UK-EU mobility framework under the TCA provide for a more generous mobility regime given the unique UK-EU history and geographical proximity or is it merely re-establishing what is available under the WTO rules between any, even the most distant, trading partner? The working paper tries to answer this question, using a case study of musicians, to consider how the TCA’s rules affect this particular, highly mobile group.

A space in rapid flux, environmentally as well as geopolitically, the Arctic region has not tended to be seen as part of the imagined national “homeland” of the eight states with Arctic territories. Yet, in a time of climate change and increasing international attention to the region, the Arctic is at present re-narrated as a space embedded in sovereign statehood and national identity. Recognising the powerful purchase of identity discourses, of emotional attachment, and feelings of belonging, this paper asks: What does it mean to “be” or represent an Arctic state; how do identity discourses permeate among those tasked with the state's enactment on a daily basis, state personnel? This paper explores articulations of state identity by state practitioners in three of the eight Arctic states: Norway, Iceland, and Canada. In so doing, it develops an understanding of discourses of state identity as spatiotemporally regulated, articulated as geography and history; and yet, it shows how it always comes about through relations and encounters – across, beyond, and exceeding scales, from international relations to the intimately personal. Focusing on the performance of politics, the paper thereby highlights the constitutive role of the diverse practitioners behind the practice, the articulators, and performers. In short, it argues for “peopling” political geographical conceptualisations of the state, statecraft, and political practices. By seeing the state for its people, new avenues for interaction and dialogue may open up – new, radical ways of relating and participating in politics as, of, and by people.

The primary aim of this paper is to explain the 2009 Russia-Ukraine gas conflict. In particular, it attempts to identify the causal mechanisms between their interdependence in the gas sphere and the gas conflict. The paper first shows that existing theories in the study of international relations have limitations in accounting for that conflict. Therefore, a theoretical framework drawing insights from Armstrong's model on dependence-political compliance and Crescenzi's exit model is proposed to explain it. Relying on this framework, this paper demonstrates that the 2009 Russia-Ukraine gas conflict took place through two critical causal mechanisms. In the contexts of the 2008 global financial crisis and Ukraine's anti-Russian policy, Russia and Ukraine both considered issues involved in the gas trade such as debts, prices, transit tariffs, and Ukraine's pipeline system to be very important. Therefore, when Russia issued demands with economic threats, Ukraine refused to comply.

The UK’s departure from the European Union poses many challenges, not least in the field of security and defence. This paper assesses the implications of this for both parties and tries to outline options for a new bilateral partnership. The paper opens with a reminder of the headline contribution that the UK has made and continues to make to European security and defence and its significance as an actor within the Union. It goes on to suggest that Brexit is a lose-lose scenario for both partners, notwithstanding a shared set of security threats and an overall common approach to meeting them. The paper outlines the significant advances in the development of CSDP since the Brexit referendum result and the importance of the Commission’s proposal of new funding to the development of EU member state defence capacities. The paper then reviews options, which have surfaced in the EU and UK respectively to define a new bilateral partnership. The challenges to involving a third-country in EU policy development and execution are examined and the urgent need for the Union and the UK to devise a new – necessarily weaker – relationship is underlined.

Researchers continue to debate whether the various aspects of democracy affect the economic development. Investigating this relationship is still an important on-going question in the economy policy at the international level. This paper provides evidence on how the political settlements: rule of law and elections, would affect the economic development and enhances the economic growth, using data for 192 countries over the 2010-2012 period. This paper empirically investigates whether democracy has an impact on the economic convergence of countries through the quality of institutions, which are measured by the electoral component of democracy and rule of law parameters. Investigations differentiate between Islamic and non-Islamic countries (mainly European). Results indicate that the elections parameter has a first-order effect on economic development but such a relationship is not confirmed for Islamic countries. Rule of low also influences this relation, but brings less efficient impact to the economic development.

The politics of dams has been analysed from a range of disciplinary perspectives – including comparative politics, international relations, political economy and political ecology – and at varying levels – international, national and local. This paper provides a critical review of this literature, highlighting key research themes and gaps in current analysis as a means of developing a broad framework and research agenda for the FutureDAMS project. This framework emphasises the importance of integrating material and ideational drivers of dams across multiple levels of analysis. Much valuable work has been done on the international politics of dams and the micro-politics of displacement and resistance to dam construction. However, a comparatively neglected area of study – particularly where the recent dam boom in developing countries is concerned – is to link these transnational and micro-political processes to national-level decision making. To this end, the paper proposes a central concern with such national-level processes, including process tracing decision making, the distributional politics of energy, the development of bureaucratic and technical capacity to carry out dam projects and the companies contracted to build, assess and design dams.

This working paper responds to calls for practical and implementable changes that can enhance global justice. It applies the GLOBUS conception of justice as mutual recognition to global negotiations, which have become prominent arenas for questions of distributive justice between the North and South across multiple issue areas including trade, climate change and environmental protection. Yet the focus of this paper is procedural justice. The case of the French Presidency of the 2015 UN negotiations that led to the adoption of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change is studied and put forward as a positive example of a just process. Furthermore, it is argued that procedural justice was instrumental in facilitating the reaching of agree-ment by increasing delegates’ willingness to agree. Previous accounts of procedural justice at the global level are largely concerned with questions of transparency and representativeness. By framing procedural justice around the concept of mutual recognition, it offers a more comprehensive understanding which is aligned with psychological accounts of procedural justice. In this way, it recognises the importance of individuals and socio-psychological considerations in international relations. ispartof: Mutual Recognition in Global Negotiations: The Case of the 2015 Paris Climate Summit status: Published online

Computational Social Science emerged as a highly technical and popular discipline in the last few years, owing to the substantial advances in communication technology and daily production of vast quantities of personal data. As per capita data production significantly increased in the last decade, both in terms of its size (bytes) as well as its detail (heartrate monitors, internet-connected appliances, smartphones), social scientists’ ability to extract meaningful social, political and demographic information from digital data also increased. A vast methodological gap exists in ‘computational international relations’, which refers to the use of one or a combination of tools such as data mining, natural language processing, automated text analysis, web scraping, geospatial analysis and machine learning to provide larger and better organized data to test more advanced theories of IR. After providing an overview of the potentials of computational IR and how an IR scholar can establish technical proficiency in computer science (such as starting with Python, R, QGis, ArcGis or Github), this paper will focus on some of the author’s works in providing an idea for IR students on how to think about computational IR. The paper argues that computational methods transcend the methodological schism between qualitative and quantitative approaches and form a solid foundation in building truly multi-method research design.

Against the background of an emerging rental affordability crisis, we examine how the standard rule that households should not spend more than 30% of their income on housing expenditures leads to inefficiencies in the context of federal low-income housing policy. We quantify how the current practice of locally indexing individual rent subsidies in the Housing Choice Voucher (HCV) program regardless of quality-of-life conditions implicitly incentivizes recipients to live in high-amenity areas. We also assess a novel scenario for housing policy reform that adjusts subsidies by the amenity expenditures of low-income households, permitting national HCV program coverage to increase. © 2018 The Authors. Journal of Regional Science published by Wiley Periodicals, Inc. 1School of Public & International Affairs, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Virginia 2Department of Economics, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Virginia 3Global Forum on Urban & Regional Resilience, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, Virginia 4School of Architecture, Planning & Preservation, University of Maryland, College Park, Maryland 5National Center for Smart Growth, University of Maryland, College Park, Maryland Correspondence David S. Bieri, School of Public & International Affairs, Virginia Tech, 140 Otey St., Blacksburg, VA 24601-0113. Email: bieri@vt.edu We are grateful to the editor, Ed Coulson, and two anonymous referees for detailed guidance and valuable comments on earlier drafts of this paper. Several colleagues have provided helpful input on this research, including, without implicating, Lan Deng, Jonathan Levine, Kirk McClure, and participants at seminar and conference presentations at the Annual Meetings of the Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning, the Regional Science Association International, the Urban Affairs Associations, and the Urban Economics Association. We thank Natalia Kolesnikova for providing us with MSA-level return to education estimates. An earlier version of this paper circulated under the title “Housing Affordability with Local Wage and Price Variation.” Bieri also acknowledges financial support from the University of Michigan'sGra-ham Institute on Environmental Sustainability. The usual disclaimers apply.

This paper concentrates on the activities of different actors on the international arena in the area of security, their cooperation with each other and the overall role diplomatic activities play in the twenty-first century global security governance. After the two worlds wars the international community adopted the principle of collective defence and tried to establish a comprehensive multilevel international security system headed by the UN. Nation-states ceased to be the only actors participating in the international relations, instead they acquired the role of the smallest elements in a global UN-system, often linked together by regional intergovernmental organisations (ROs) to build smaller regional subsystems. On top of that, they still enjoyed all the powers they had as sovereign states. Given the non-hierarchical character of the described system the functions of its components often overlapped and intertwined. With the rising involvement of non-state actors, the system is as intricate as ever. For the system to be effective, it is very important that all the actors are able to participate in the governance processes adequately and equitably. In the age of urgent security challenges, the response has to be quick and concerted. In the present paper, we provide a detailed analysis of the activities of different actors directed at resolving an interstate conflict. We chose to focus on the 2008 Russia-Georgia conflict in South Ossetia, in which directly or indirectly was involved a whole bunch of intergovernmental organisations (CSTO, OSCE, SCO, UN, EU, NATO), sovereign state and non-state actors. It is particularly remarkable that despite the fact that both states were members of the UN and a number of ROs, which should have been enough to ensure proper cooperation, there were still organisations and institutions involved neither of the states were members of, as, for example, the EU. Thus, in regard to the activities of different actors the 2008 Russia-Georgia conflict is illustrative of at least two phenomena: (i) actors trying to exert influence beyond the territory of their concern (ii) actors trying to exert influence beyond their policy domain. Using case-study approach, the paper will present an investigation of these two phenomena and the logic behind them. We will scrutinise the actual way the conflict was handled and what role each of the actors involved played in resolving the conflict in order to determine why they chose to participate in the first place, to define their goals and objectives and to estimate the influence each of them had on the outcome and the general ability of the existing system to provide a concerted response to the challenges of global security despite coinciding scopes. The findings of this study will help to draw conclusions about the role of different players in the global security governance and evaluate the efficiency of the existing global governance mechanisms.

In recent decades there has been steady progress towards a risk-based management approach for fisheries. An important first step in a risk analysis framework is scoping to identify, describe and catalog the sources of uncertainty that might have an impact on a fishery. This paper introduces a methodology based on a range of tools to formalize the process of elicitation of uncertainties, from both experts and stakeholders, for the International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT). ICCAT is a regional fisheries management organization responsible for the conservation of tunas and other highly migratory fish in the Atlantic Ocean and its adjacent seas. The aim of the elicitation was to identify and prioritize uncertainties for inclusion in Operating Models for Management Strategy Evaluation (MSE). The tool presented in this paper supports the qualitative prioritization of uncertainties, while also visualizing the degree of consensus among stakeholders on particular issues. Perceptions of uncertainty in fisheries often vary widely among scientists, industry and other interest groups, so tools that can facilitate inclusion and representation of different opinions are useful where decision-making depends on broad agreement and more generally, where effective management depends on commitment from stakeholders.

The paper delineates three debates, which will be conflated: One line of discussion relates to public goods at transnational level. Here, the referencing of debates regarding the characteristics of “a common good” will be of significance. A second strand addresses the group of countries known as the ‘rising powers’ and the role these countries could play as regards a globalised common good. A third discussion thread analyses South Africa as a case study for the main rising power on the African continent. By creating connections between the lines of discussion, this paper drive forward the debates on how the role of rising powers can be conceptually repositioned in the light of a changing global context, and to explore how these countries can respond to global challenges.

Advances in the legalisation of international relations, and the growing number of international organisations raise the question whether state sovereignty had its day. The paper defines sovereignty in a way that allows for degrees of sovereignty. Its analysis assumes that while sovereignty has become more limited, a trend which may continue, there is no sign that it is likely to disappear. The paper offers thoughts towards a normative analysis of these developments and the prospects they offer. Advocates of progress towards world government, while wise to many of current defects, are blind to the evils that a world government will breed, and to the advantages of relatively sovereign political societies. The paper identifies the advantages of the legalisation of international relations, and the growth of international bodies. The dilemma of internationalisation is that its advantages can be obtained only if international organs acquire some of the characteristics of successful sovereign political societies, in attracting the loyalty and shaping the sense of identity of their members – a faraway prospect. The best we can hope for is a mix international regime of relatively sovereign states subject to extensive regulation by international organisations and laws. That requires a pluralistic jurisprudence of international organisations, allowing for great local diversity, of which we have so far seen only small beginnings.

Despite paying attention to a growing number of actors and agents, the literature on global governance remain remarkably traditional and Western-centric. Much of it still revolves around the existing multilateral system created under U.S. hegemony after World War II. In this paper, I propose a new understanding of studying global governance that reflects recent and ongoing global economic and political shifts. To this end, in the place of the traditional conception of a liberal world order within which the mainstream literature on global governance has been anchored, this paper employs the idea of a “Multiplex World”. Unlike the former, the idea of a Multiplex World envisions a more pluralistic and diversified architecture of global governance shaped by a proliferation of transnational challenges, diffusion of new ideas, and expansion of actors and processes that lie at the center of global governance. A Multiplex World better captures the ongoing fragmentation of global governance, which in turn reflects a growing demand for new principles and approaches that cannot be accommodated by a simple extension of the existing but fading international order dominated by the US or the multilateral institutions it created. The concept of global governance, argues this paper, must come to terms with an emerging realities of the Multiplex World.

Asia's share of global demand for natural gas has increased from 13 to 18 per cent over the past decade, and the overall consumption has nearly doubled. At the same time, there is a growing gap between regional natural gas demand and supply, with increasing reliance on imports. Regional liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports are forecast to increase by 60 per cent by 2030, and natural gas has been described as Asia's “fuel of the future”. Asian LNG importers seek to diversify their supplier mix as much as possible to lower the prices and to reduce economic vulnerability to future disruptions or the failure of any one producer to provide adequate supplies. This paper explores major regional importers' approaches to LNG import diversification between 2002 and 2012 and explains why patterns of LNG imports differ between states and over time. The focus of the paper is on five largest LNG importers in the region: China, India, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan. Keywords: LNG, Asia, Imports, Diversification, Energy security

The inverted classroom model (ICM) is an active learning approach that reserves class meetings for hands-on exercises while shifting content learning to the preparatory stage. The ICM offers possibilities for pursuing higher-order learning objectives even in large classes. However, there are contradicting reports about students’ reactions to this kind of teaching innovation. With the ICM making inroads in political science teaching, this paper discusses how students evaluate this method. We report results from an application of the ICM to an introductory international relations course. In our course, students’ reactions to the ICM varied greatly. Using a regression analysis of student evaluation scores, we find that students’ preference for collaborative learning best predicted their preference for the ICM over the traditional lecture format. The inverted classroom model (ICM) is an active learning approach that reserves class meetings for hands-on exercises while shifting content learning to the preparatory stage. The ICM offers possibilities for pursuing higher-order learning objectives even in large classes. However, there are contradicting reports about students’ reactions to this kind of teaching innovation. With the ICM making inroads in political science teaching, this paper discusses how students evaluate this method. We report results from an application of the ICM to an introductory international relations course. In our course, students’ reactions to the ICM varied greatly. Using a regression analysis of student evaluation scores, we find that students’ preference for collaborative learning best predicted their preference for the ICM over the traditional lecture format.

President Richard M. Nixon was elected in 1968 with the widespread expectation that he would bring about an end to the costly and unpopular war in Vietnam. The task largely fell to National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger. When the negotiations began, North Vietnam appeared to have a winning hand with time on its side. To induce agreement from North Vietnam on acceptable terms, Kissinger orchestrated a complex negotiation campaign with multiple fronts: North Vietnam, the U.S. public and Congress China, the USSR, West Germany, and South Vietnam. Kissinger’s efforts culminated in the signing of the 1973 Paris Peace Accords, which held for about two years before collapsing in the wake of Watergate. The account in this working paper carefully describes — but does not analyze nor draw lessons from — core features of these challenging negotiations. Forthcoming papers will provide analysis and derive general insights from this negotiation campaign.

This paper explores the relationship between the diversification of sources of imported oil and energy security of oil-importing countries. It examines the importance of diversification policy for oil importers, explains why oil importers implement oil diversification policy, and contextualizes the oil import diversification strategy in the overall energy security policy of oil importers. The paper analyzes the factors and the contexts that affect the level of importance assigned to oil import diversification policy in oil-importing countries, and the limitations that may affect the successful implication of oil import diversification policy. The examples are drawn from the world's top three oil importers, the United States, Japan, and China. The policymakers in these and other oil-importing countries place much importance on energy security. The diversification of oil import sources is used as one of the strategies to enhance energy security in oil-importing countries. This paper is important for policymakers in oil-importing countries as it provides them with a qualitative conceptual framework with which to evaluate the need to diversify their countries’ sources of imported oil, and with which to identify the likely limitations to the successful implementation of oil import diversification policy.

Most states in East Asia (Northeast and Southeast Asia) are ethnically diverse and have experienced or are currently experiencing ethnic conflict. Although, intrastate ethnic conflicts are in the domain of domestic politics, they often become “internationalized”, when an external state becomes involved. How can the difference in the behaviour of East Asian states regarding intrastate ethnic conflicts in other states of the region be explained? Scholars of international relations (IR) have come up with a variety of explanatory factors for a state’s decision whether to intervene. This paper presents an overview of the major theories and evaluates their explanatory power for IR in East Asia after the end of Cold War. The results presented in this paper lay the groundwork for the future qualitative empirical research.

If the idea of an integrated Latin America goes back to the early post-colonial days, the story of political and economic integration in Latin America is relatively quickly told. The attempts have been numerous, but in terms of policy outcomes and deep integration for the benefit of a regional public good, regionalism in Latin America has not lived up to the stated aims of its governments. The present paper takes a first step to examine the practice of referring to Latin America in the political discourse, a phenomenon that we term declaratory regionalism to denote its independence from substantial forms of regionalism. We analyse the use of declarationism in presidential speeches delivered on an annual basis to the UN General Assembly in two steps. First, we discuss a series of descriptive illustrations in light of existing scholarship on Latin American international relations. Subsequently, several hypotheses for why governments keep referring to the region while not necessarily privileging it in their foreign policy strategies are put to a test. While not offering a conclusive explanation, the results point to leftist ideology as a crucial factor in explaining the persistence of discursive regionalism at the UN General Assembly. The paper posits that future research is likely to benefit from conceiving Latin Americanism as a characteristic of leftist ideology.

The interpretation or ruling on international immunity cases are often surrounded by controversies, sometimes leading to inconsistencies. The British municipal court rulings on international immunity cases are not exception, and in fact are embodiments of inconsistencies. The judgements have been consistently inconsistent. The rulings are not just characterized by controversies; they swim in controversies. Perhaps, these inconsistencies have not been more visible than in cases involving granting of sovereign immunity to political subdivisions or federating units. This was the case in the municipal court decision to deny a serving Governor of a state in Nigeria immunity from jurisdiction. The contention of this paper is that these inconsistencies are, primarily or fundamentally, due to susceptibility of British municipal courts to British national interest, and thus, not primarily due to controversial nature of international law. The paper therefore interrogates the interface between international politics and international law.

The purpose of this paper is to review and re-examine the concept and practice of public diplomacy in light of the incredible pace of change in global politics and communication, and to discuss implications for future research. It first explains the significance of national reputation and its linkage to public diplomacy. It then surveys and assesses a broad range of literature on public diplomacy, characterized by three basic discourses: public diplomacy as policy-driven rather than relationship-based, the primacy of nation-state governments in the structure and process of public diplomacy, and an emphasis on mass media communication. The paper finally suggests and outlines further research efforts based on the existing literature and the evolving contexts.

Summary This paper analyzes policies affecting global groundnut-products markets. The new US groundnut policy is now a minor source of distortion in world markets where India and China stand out as the major distorters. We analyze and quantify the effects of groundnut-products trade liberalization on consumer welfare and producer income. Our analysis shows that African exporters would gain significantly from reductions in protection and subsidies in India, and to a lesser extent, China, although China’s exports of food-quality groundnuts would expand dramatically. Net-importing OECD countries would suffer from higher world prices. The paper draws direct implications for the Doha trade negotiations.

In response to recent calls for systematic and in-depth studies of the impact of international forces on local accounting practices, discourses and institutions, this essay explores the interconnectedness of national politics with global forces and the ramifications of this interaction for the regulation of accounting and the state–profession relationship. The paper employs Held's (1991) framework [Held, D. (1991). Democracy, the nation-state and the global system. Economy and Society , 20 (2), 138–172.] on the role of the nation state in the age of globalisation, extended to encompass insights from the realist paradigm on international politics, to examine the international aspects of an attempt by a group of indigenous auditors in Greece to recapture their monopoly status, following the ‘liberalisation' of the Greek auditing profession in 1992. The paper explores changes in the state–profession relationship in the era of ‘globalisation' and documents the catalystic role of major states (the USA), politico-economic blocks (the EU), and other powerful international actors. It is posited that the politics of international accounting professionalism in the ‘globalisation' era are becoming more polycentric with (lesser) nation-states as merely one level (of diminishing importance) in a complex system of superimposed, overlapping and often competing national and international agencies of governance. The lessons to be learned from the Greek experience seem to be relevant to a number of countries — weaker or more important players in the world economy and politics — as they realign the assemblage of government in accounting and in other domains, in response to the progressive internationalisation of the world economy.

In environmental governance, the role of expertise is regarded as a crucial support to decision-making. Yet, in intergovernmental settings, studies aimed at understanding the relation between science and policy have predominantly focused on the fields of climate change and biodiversity. Through a fieldwork-based study of the Science-Policy Interface (SPI) of the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) and the Intergovernmental Technical Panel on Soils (ITPS) of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), this paper investigates the role of scientific expertise in the global governance of soil and land degradation. Drawing upon the concepts of boundary organization and hybrid management, the study shows that analytical tools deriving from the Science and Technology Studies (STS) tradition provide valuable understandings of science-policy dynamics at the intergovernmental level. The results of the analysis reveal that science-policy organizations match the definition of boundary organization to different degrees and that hybrid management strategies occur with different magnitudes, with significant implications for each organization's capacity to bridge science and policy. This implies that such STS concepts should not be regarded as purely descriptive labels, but as resources that can serve broad analytical purposes in the study of global environmental governance. In this respect, the study contributes to an on-going theoretical dialogue between STS and International Relations (IR), claiming that IR scholars should consider the adoption of relevant STS theoretical tools for the analysis of global environmental institutions.

Following a brief summary of Henry A. Kissinger’s career, this paper describes three of his most pivotal negotiations: the historic establishment of U.S. diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China, the easing of geopolitical tension with the Soviet Union, symbolized by the signing of the first Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (“SALT I”), and the mediation of the agreement on Sinai disengagement between Egypt and Israel. An appendix lists other important negotiations in which Kissinger played key roles. In a subsequent paper (forthcoming), the authors will examine these and other major events in which Henry Kissinger played leading roles in order to extract their most important insights into the principles and practice of effective negotiation.

This paper proposes a methodology for an interdisciplinary, empirical enquiry into the diffusion of the legal concept of ‘benefit-sharing’. The paper draws together accounts of norm diffusion from sociology, international relations and law to devise a theoretical approach for the empirical research of global environmental law. Against this background, the paper explores the usefulness of process-tracing, the relevance of frames and the need for a participatory action research approach for a research project focused on benefit-sharing as a tool to operationalize equity among and within States.

In this issue are included scientific articles which debate problems from social science fields: Romanian confessional education, National Socialis, austerity, human security, religion and reconstruction, democratization, extraction algorithms, preventic mechanical damage, Romanian criminal Law, Satirical Spirrit, Romanian language and Creativity through education. Authors talk about subjects as Paradigms in the Romanian Communism, food, global security, postcommunism and public policies.Research and Science Today Journal is a publication founded in 2011 and it is dedicated to the students of all levels (license, master and doctoral) of faculties in the country and abroad. We want to offer the participants the opportunity to present their scientific works in the following areas: Social Sciences, Economic Sciences, Legal Sciences, Humanities, Education Sciences, Engineering, Medicine and Sport.This journal provides students the opportunity to create and/or to improve their abilities to write scientific papers. So each appearance (two appearances per year at which we can add supplements) contains a number of papers written by students, masters and doctoral from the faculties from the country or/and abroad. The journal promotes original studies contributing to the progress of knowledge and it is motivated by the need to address issues of theory and practice in the areas mentioned above.The Journal is a training means of the factors involved in the conceptualization, development, implementation and evaluation, aiming the formation of creative personalities who could be able to adapt through the changing conditions of life.Journal wants to be a forum for debates disciplinaries and interdisciplinaries theoretical topics, to become a research support, to leverage this work at regional, national and international levels. We believe that this gathering will enjoy the support from both parts of the researchers and of the practitioners, and will provide appropriate training sources held professional through the current problems.

This paper seeks to analyse the external sources of democratisation in Paraguay, specifically how the US contributed to regime change in that country. In the small and vulnerable countries of Latin America, like in Central America, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, and Paraguay, where the US played a portentous role in the rise, consolidation and demise of authoritarian regimes during the Cold War, Washington has also rendered a vital, but often neglected role, in protecting and enhancing democratic rule. This paper also provides an analysis of the different forms of leverage exercised by the US before and during Paraguay's transition.

With the emergence of global constitutionalism, domestic laws, policies, and administrative practices are demanded to be compatible with international laws. International laws are progressively assuming the position of supremacy over domestic laws like a constitution. State Parties are not free to eschew their obligations from giving effect to international laws. These minimum requirements of harmonization, supremacy, and authority of international law are constitutionalizing international relations, which has, indeed, already garnered the requisite legitimacy. In this regard, one of the obligations as well as contributions of Asia can be attributed to its participation in strengthening the practice of the constitutionalization of international relations. Against this background, this paper examines the nature of the constitutionalism of international law in defining and regulating international relations in reference to the idea of Asian approaches to international law. The query of what role has Asia played in history and what role is it playing in modern times in designing and practicing the concept of global constitutionalism might draw different paradigmatic responses, ranging from a passive recipient to an active partner and a designer of global constitutionalism. Since Asia itself is a vast region with heterogeneous genres of thought and varied levels of development, its role may well fit into all these paradigms with conceivable peculiarities among its members. This paper contends that any claim to modern international law as being a product of a single culture or tradition grossly undermines the history of international law and the existence of customary practices in different countries across the globe who have played innumerable roles in shaping modern international law in terms of its foundational concepts. The analysis and arguments of this paper are divided into seven sections. The first section discusses the controversy of whether the origin of international law is attributable only to a Eurocentric explanation. The second section analyzes the relevance, if any, of a spatially fragmented concept like an Asian approach to international law. The third section analyzes the basic features of constitutionalization as a system of global governance. The fourth section explores the concept of constitutionalization from diplomacy to the rules based international system. The fifth section explicates a few basic trends of harmonization between international law and domestic legal regulatory practices. The sixth section discusses the problems and possible trends of global constitutionalism. The final section concludes with a notion that despite diversity, in all its likelihood, Asia seems to be gradually advancing its role from a bystander to the partner of global constitutionalism, in terms of transmuting concepts into international rules, harmonizing them at the domestic level, and implementing them in practice.

This paper formulates a liberal groundwork for espionage among nations. First, it presents the inadequacy of the prominent arguments for espionage embedded mainly in Just War Theory. It argues, alternatively, that a modicum of cooperation in the international sphere calls for a new legal obligation in international law-a duty of basic transparency among nations. Modern international law is interpreted, therefore, as an attempt to maintain the necessary measure of transparency in international relations: the legality of espionage reflects the limited enforcement of a duty of basic transparency. By fulfilling a duty of transparency, a transparent state cannot catch its neighbors off guard as far as its strategic intentions, as in the case of surprise aggression. This paper argues, however, that transparency is a structural feature: it is an attribute of typical liberal regimes. Non-liberal nations are, therefore, likely to oppose a duty of transparency as incompatible with their religious or political doctrines. Transparency is therefore essential for the co-existence of nations and yet politically unreachable. Espionage among nations, this paper argues, enables the resolution of this apparently hopeless and fundamental conflict in international relations. It facilitates the enforcement of transparency on non-liberal nations without imposing a liberal structure on them. Hence, it is argued that a rule obligating a basic duty of transparency among nations, enforced exclusively through espionage, is morally justifiable — since it would be endorsed by all nations in an impartial, fair process of global deliberation.

The early space governance mechanisms aiming at ensuring peaceful uses of outer space opened the way to a formidable growth in space activities. These policy coordination steps achieved during the height of the Cold War can be regarded as pioneering steps towards ensuring the long-term sustainability of the space domain. Yet threats to the continued safe, secure and sustainable use of outer space have been dramatically increasing over the past decade calling for an evaluation of the existing governance mechanisms. This paper presents the intermediate results of a doctoral research on the emergence and progress of space debris governance mechanisms, the orbital debris issue being considered one of the major threats to space sustainability. An innovative international relations' framework is used drawing upon two studies, namely Peter Haas' [1] seminal work on epistemic communities' influences over international policy coordination and Thomas Weiss and Ramesh Thakur's work [2] on the United Nation's contribution to global governance gaps. The doctoral research findings highlight the essential role of ‘epistemic" knowledge experts in the emergence and evolution of cooperative steps affecting the debris issue, regarded more widely as illustrations of contributions of the epistemic model to space sustainability governance. The study's timeframe covers governance progress from the 1950s until nowadays. This research also identifies levels of governance progress achieved thanks to epistemic influences and provides avenues of thoughts for overcoming obstacles in international cooperation when national security interests are at stake.

Research and Science Today Journal is a publication founded in 2011 and it is dedicated to the students of all levels (license, master and doctoral) of faculties in the country and abroad. We want to offer the participants the opportunity to present their scientific works in the following areas: Social Sciences, Economic Sciences, Legal Sciences, Humanities, Education Sciences, Engineering, Medicine and Sport. This journal provides students the opportunity to create and/or to improve their abilities to write scientific papers. So each appearance (two appearances per year at which we can add supplements) contains a number of papers written by students, masters and doctoral from the faculties from the country or/and abroad. The journal promotes original studies contributing to the progress of knowledge and it is motivated by the need to address issues of theory and practice in the areas mentioned above. The Journal is a training means of the factors involved in the conceptualization, development, implementation and evaluation, aiming the formation of creative personalities who could be able to adapt through the changing conditions of life. Journal wants to be a forum for debates disciplinaries and interdisciplinaries theoretical topics, to become a research support, to leverage this work at regional, national and international levels. We believe that this gathering will enjoy the support from both parts of the researchers and of the practitioners, and will provide appropriate training sources held professional through the current problems.

Seen in historical perspective the main economic predicaments of the present world (such as poverty, inequality, backwardness) appear in a somewhat different light than in many current discussions, especially by sociologists, radical economists and political scientists. In the present paper the achievements of the modern age, and in particular of the post- World War II period, are considered in the perspective of economic and demographic history, and in their connection with the contemporary systems of production and of international relations. Some considerations concerning future possible developments conclude the paper.

This paper reviews and discusses available empirical research on the impact of violent conflict on the level and access to education of civilian and combatant populations affected by violence. Three main themes emerge from this empirical review. The first is that relatively minor shocks to educational access can lead to significant and long-lasting detrimental effects on individual human capital formation in terms of educational attainment, health outcomes and labour market opportunities. Secondly, the destruction of infrastructure, the absence of teachers and reductions in schooling capacity affect secondary schooling disproportionately. Finally, the exposure of households to violence results in significant gender differentials in individual educational outcomes. The paper then turns its attention to the specific mechanisms that link violent conflict with educational outcomes, an area largely unexplored in the literatures on conflict and education. The paper focuses six key mechanisms: soldiering, household labour allocation decisions, fear, changes in returns to education, targeting of schools, teachers and students and displacement.

International experience has shown that mining and resources sector participation in Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) can realise substantial health benefits not only for the company, but also for its public sector partners and communities. This paper summarises the international experience, and presents examples of mining and resource sector participation in health care in Papua New Guinea (PNG). The extractive industries in PNG are already actively involved in health service delivery and improving health conditions in the area within which they operate. With the prospect of major economic growth in PNG comes an opportunity to further systematise and expand on the application of industry expertise to creating lasting development in the PNG health sector for the benefit of the private sector, the government and the community alike. The paper also discusses some of the challenges in further harnessing the private sector as a partner in PNG development, including i) barriers to collaboration; ii) engaging with extractive industry partners; and iii) developing relationships and trust.

Various concepts ascribe key roles to emerging non‐OECD countries in regional and global politics. This paper highlights how these concepts hint not only at a shift of global power but also at geopolitical regionalization: according to the theory of hegemonic stability, regional powers (a subcategory of emerging non‐OECD countries) are key actors in overcoming international anarchy and establishing cooperative and stable relations within their regions. Because of the different impacts of different regional powers, which are categorized in this paper using typologies of hegemony, the logic of international relations varies from one region to another. From a theoretical point of view, this means that international relations theories have to make region‐specific adaptations.

“What is sovereignty?” If there are questions international legal and political scholars ought to be able to answer, this is certainly one. State sovereignty is arguably the basis of all political and legal international relations. And, yet, what it means remains elusive. As we discuss whether we are witnessing the demise of the Westphalian system, it is critical to understand state sovereignty today. Despite the resurgence in sovereignty scholarship, there has been little empirical work done that combines political and legal theory. This project addresses that gap in the current literature between political science and international legal research by providing an empirical study of how sovereignty is conceptualized in international legal discourse. The theoretical basis for this paper is largely informed by international relations theory of binding states and the variability of sovereignty. The methodological approach is legal case analysis. Because sovereignty is such a slippery concept, the question of how to study it is tricky. This paper will follow Jens Bartelson’s approach and avoid the direct question “what is sovereignty?” and instead ask the question “how do we discuss sovereignty?” The project provides an analysis of advisory opinions and contentious cases before the International Court of Justice over the last fifteen years. The results of the research contribute to a general understanding of contemporary sovereignty in two main ways: Firstly, the study provides a framework of “ideal types” which suggests that contemporary notions of sovereignty fall into three main categories: (1) as the final and supreme power of the state requiring no justification (“The Prince”), (2) as a supreme power justified by the state’s ability to protect its citizens from both internal and external threats (“The Protector”), and (3) as a privilege granted by citizens of the state and the international community in return for accepting certain norms and fulfilling certain responsibilities (“The Citizen”). Secondly, the paper suggests that with a viable working vocabulary, legal and political scholars can then address questions concerning how the legal discussion of sovereignty interacts with international relations structure.

This paper discusses the legal effects of a seemingly paradoxical situation: an international agreement falls at least in part within the exclusive competence of the Community, and yet the Member States are parties to the agreement and the Community is not. This situation, while not common, is not as unusual as we might imagine. It may occur for several reasons: it may be decided that it is in the Community interest, for political or other reasons, that the Member States rather than the Community should participate; it may be the case that only States, and not regional economic integration organisations (REIOs) such as the EC, are entitled to participate; it may be that when the agreement was originally concluded the Member States were competent - since then, however, EC exclusivity has ‘supervened’. In cases such as these the European Court of Justice has taken the view that the Member States party to the agreement are acting on behalf of the Community, and in its interests. The legal questions explored in this paper arise out of the fact that the international agreement is not formally a ‘Community agreement’ within the scope of Article 300 EC and thus the matters regulated by that provision, including the binding nature of the agreement as far as the Community is concerned, and its place in the Community legal order, are not expressly resolved. Although these agreements are in some senses anomalous, and their position in the Community legal order may be ambiguous, they also illustrate the constraints under which the Member States – although fully sovereign States – may operate as a result of their Community obligations, the way in which the international identity of the Union may be represented by the Member States, and the accommodations possible between the demands of the Community legal order and the practical exigencies of international treaty-making.

This paper examines how law and political science have studied the role played by sovereignty claims in the EU constitutional order. Typically, it is argued, the two disciplines have studied sovereignty in the EU from parallel perspectives, with the former emphasising the dimension of the internal sovereignty of the EU and the latter focusing on member states’ enduring external sovereignty in relation to the international system. This divergence is explained by virtue of contrasting institutional units of analysis (courts vs. representative institutions). The consequence is the absence of a shared understanding of where Kompetenz-Kompetenz, the power to decide who decides in the EU system, lies. In the light of this analysis, three models of sovereignty are then discussed as models for spanning the disciplinary boundary. These are the Westphalian, post-sovereign and confederal models of sovereignty. Amongst them, the paper concludes, it is the latter that seems to offer the greatest opportunities for reconciling insights from law and political science.

The global climate regime, as represented by the Kyoto Protocol, may be on a collision course with the global trade policy regime, as represented by the WTO (World Trade Organization). Environmentalists fear that international trade will undercut reductions in greenhouse gas emissions as dirty production migrates to non-participating countries, a phenomenon known as leakage. Meanwhile businesspeople fear the effects on their own competitiveness of the same phenomenon. These fears have now become prominent in the policy-making process. In early 2008, legislation to enact long-term targets for reduced emission of greenhouse gases included provisions for possible barriers against imports from countries perceived as non-participating -- in both Washington, DC (where the bills have not yet passed) and in Brussels (where the EU Commission Directive has gone into effect). Such provisions could be interpreted as violations of the rules of the WTO, which poses the nightmare scenario of a WTO panel rejecting a major country's climate change legislation. In light of the hostile feelings that such a scenario would unleash, it would be a nightmare for the supporters of the WTO and free trade as much as for the supporters of the Kyoto Protocol and environmental protection. The issue is just the latest and largest instance of fears among many environmentalists that the WTO is an obstacle to their goals in general. The issue transcends institutions. For the critics, the WTO is a symbol of globalization, and their fears attach also to that larger phenomenon. The first part of this paper discusses the broader issue of whether environmental goals in general are threatened by free trade and the WTO. The second half of the paper focuses exclusively on the narrower question of trade aspects of nations' efforts to implement climate change policy and whether they are likely to come into conflict with the WTO.

Among the reasons that states comply with international law in the absence of coercive enforcement mechanisms is a concern for their reputation for compliance with international legal rules. Such a reputation is valuable because it allows states to make credible commitments to one another in an effort to overcome problems of cooperation. To date neither the international relations nor the international law literature has developed a theory of reputation that explains in detail how states acquire a reputation for compliance, how they lose it, and how it affects behavior. This paper seeks to provide such a theory. It examines how states' reputation for compliance can be gained or lost and how reputational concerns interact with other payoffs. It considers strategic decisions states must make to manage reputation over time as well as the connection between better information and more effective reputational sanctions. Finally, the paper discusses the question of whether states have a single reputation for compliance with international law or, instead, several such reputations corresponding to different issue areas. The way in which this compartmentalization of reputation influences the ability of states to solve international problems is explained.

Regional powers are often conceived of as “regional leading powers,” states which adopt a cooperative and benevolent attitude in their international relations with their neighbors. The paper argues that regional powers can follow a much wider range of foreign policy strategies in their region. Three ideal-typical regional strategies are identified: empire, hegemony, and leadership. The paper is devoted to a theory-led distinction and clarification of these three terms, which are often used interchangeably in the field of international relations. According to the goals pursued, to the means employed, and to other discriminating features such as the degree of legitimation and the type of self-representation by the dominant state, the paper outlines the essential traits of imperial, hegemonic, and leading strategies and identifies subtypes for better classifying hegemony and leadership. Regionalmachte werden oft als „regionale Fuhrungsmachte“ aufgefasst, als Staaten, die sich ihren Nachbarn gegenuber kooperativ und wohlwollend verhalten. Dieses Working Paper geht davon aus, dass Regionalmachte durchaus eine breitere Palette ausenpolitischer Strategien in ihrer Region verfolgen konnen. Dabei werden drei idealtypische regionale Strategien identifiziert: eine imperiale, eine hegemoniale und eine fuhrende. Im Mittelpunkt dieses Beitrages steht eine theoriegeleitete Trennung und Klarung dieser drei Termini, die in der Disziplin der Internationalen Beziehungen oft verwechselt und synonym verwendet werden. Die Hauptmerkmale imperialer, hegemonialer und fuhrender Strategien werden unter Berucksichtigung der verfolgten Ziele, der eingesetzten Mittel und anderer Unterscheidungsfaktoren wie des Legitimierungsgrades und der Selbstdarstellung des dominierenden Staates herausgearbeitet. Eine Prazisierung durch Subtypen erlaubt eine bessere Klassifizierung von Hegemonie und Leadership.

In recent years, the European Union (EU) has increasingly been perceived as an important actor in multilateral institutions at the global level, both within and beyond the United Nations (UN) system. Research on this new topic of EU and global multilateral governance has been conducted by both legal scholars and political scientists, predominantly from the perspective of their respective disciplines. This has resulted in parallel, often unrelated research agendas. This paper sets out to bridge this interdisciplinary divide by bringing these parallel research tracks together to enhance the overall understanding of the EU’s position in global multilateral governance. To this end, a genuinely interdisciplinary framework of analysis is conceived and tested out on three distinct cases of EU participation in the UN system, thus demonstrating the value added, but also the limits, of interdisciplinary research on this topic. The paper concludes by mapping out a future joint research agenda: building on a number of cross-cutting research questions, it offers some possible pathways of how to conduct the type of interdisciplinary research needed to fully understand and explain the EU’s contribution to global multilateral governance.

Since the Conclusions of the European Council on the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) at Tampere in 1999 the Union has recognised the significance of the external dimension to this policy field, and over the last decade the Union's activity in this field has both intensified and broadened to include not only migration, border management and asylum but all aspects of the AFSJ, ranging from counter-terrorism to civil procedure. Although the scope of external action reflects the fragmentation of the subject matter and the AFSJ lacks an easily identifiable policy objective, there are ways in which we can identify certain common elements in the approach to external AFSJ policy, in particular in managing the relationship between different actors. This paper seeks to explore some of these distinctive elements; its purpose is to set out some of the particular legal features of external AFSJ policy. First, to examine the basis for and the scope of external competence given that there is no explicit provision in the EC Treaty for external action in the field. Second, the legal implications of the inter-pillar nature of the AFSJ: the consequences this has for the types of instrument available to the Union and the legal constraints imposed by the need to 'police' the boundary. And finally the paper explores the relationship between Union / Community action and Member State action: the possibility of exclusive Community competence, the mechanisms developed to manage shared competence and the additional complexity created by the varying 'opt-outs' for some Member States.

& RÉSUMÉ & ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: The number of migrants from conflict regions in Africa has been increasing dramatically. The European Union shares dual responsibility for the continuing migration pressure: First, because it fostered over decades corrupt and autocratic regimes with dire disregard to principles of 'good governance'. The aftermath of these regimes is still felt today and constitutes one of the underlying factors for politically motivated migration. Second, the EU contributed to Africa's economic misery due to its selfish external trade policy. Nevertheless, the prevailing perspective of the EU and of its member countries concerning African immigration remains to be focused on security, the foreclosure of its external borders and prevention. Current EU programs and concepts to fight African migration are questionable. Even development-oriented approaches are bound to fail, if not backed by sustainable immigration policies. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ: [ Les migrations africaines vers l'Europe : responsabilités obscurcies et des idées fausses commune ] Le nombre de migrants des régions de conflit en Afrique avait augmenté considérablement. L'Union Européen partage la responsabilité pour la pression continue de migration : d'abord, parce qu'elle a soutenue des décennies des régimes autocratiques et corrompues, en négligeant les principes du bon gouvernement. Le lendemain de ces régimes est encore senti aujourd'hui et constitue un des facteurs fondamentaux pour la migration politiquement motivée. En second lieu, l'EU a contribué à la misère économique de l'Afrique, due à son politique égoïste du commerce extérieur. Néanmoins, la perspective régnante de l'EU et de ses pays membre au sujet de l'immigration africaine reste à se concentrer sur la sécurité (de l'Europe), la forclusion de ses frontières externes et l'empêchement de l'immigration. Les programmes en cours et les concepts de l'EU pour combattre la migration africaine sont douteux. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ZUSAMMENFASSUNG: Die Zahl der Migranten aus Konfliktregionen in Afrika hat dramatisch zugenommen. Die Europäische Union teilt die doppelte Verantwortung für den anhaltenden Migrationsdruck: Erstens, weil sie über Jahrzehnte hinweg korrupte und autokratische Regimes gefördert hat, die die Prinzipien der "guten Regierungsführung" missachten. Die Folgen dieser Regime sind bis heute spürbar und bilden einen der grundlegenden Faktoren für politisch motivierte Migration. Zweitens trug die EU aufgrund ihrer selbstsüchtigen Außenhandelspolitik zu Afrikas ökonomischem Elend bei. Die vorherrschende Sicht der EU und ihrer Mitgliedstaaten auf die afrikanische Einwanderung konzenttriert sich jedoch weiterhin auf die Sicherheit der EU, die Abschottung der Außengrenzen und Prävention. Aktuelle EU-Programme und Konzepte zur Bekämpfung der afrikanischen Migration sind fragwürdig. Selbst entwicklungsorientierte Ansätze müssen scheitern, wenn sie nicht durch eine nachhaltige Einwanderungspolitik unterstützt werden., Author's version of: Kohnert, Dirk (2007): African Migration to Europe: Obscured Responsibilities and Common Misconceptions. GIGA-Working Paper, No. 49, Hamburg, May 2007

By raising the question of what made constructivism possible the paper discusses the puzzle and promises of constructivist scholarship in IR. It is argued that the communicative style which coined constructivism as a movement provides the key. Two puzzles are the focus, first, a lack of epistemological overlap, secondly, a disciplinary culture of consecutive debates which reached their high point of non-communication with the so-called Third Debate. However, while the constructivist movement gathered influence as a reference frame in the late 1990s, it is neither genuine to international relations theory nor does it originate in the 1990s. Why and how did constructivism manage to bring such a diverse group of scholars to one table? Section 2 of the paper develops the argument and introduces the concept of framing to understand the puzzle of conversation in IR. Section 3 recalls the emergence of constructivism, identifies the theoretical discussions and the significant conceptual moves. Section 4 summarizes the value added and flags ‘norms’ research as the core of constructivist political science.

This paper analyzes whether the propensity to secede by subnational regions responds mostly to differences in income per capita or to distinct identities. We explore this question in a quantitative political economy model where people's willingness to finance a public good depends on their income and identity. Using high-resolution economic and linguistic data for the entire globe, we predict the propensity to secede of 3,003 subnational regions in 173 countries. We validate the model-based predictions with data on secessionist movements, state fragility, regional autonomy, and conflict, as well as with an application to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Counterfactual analysis strongly suggests that identity trumps income in determining a region's propensity to secede. Removing identity differences reduces the average support for secession from 7.5% to 0.6% of the population.