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Economic outcomes reflect an intricate mixture of people's internal dispositions and external circumstances that are beyond their control. How, then, do people make sense of wealth and poverty? I suggest that attributions of economic outcomes are susceptible to various influences that can be grouped into two broad categories—who people are (i.e. personal influences) and what people see in the world (i.e. societal influences). Personal influences include people's ideological leanings and worldviews, socioeconomic standing, and experiences of economic success or failure. Societal influences include macroeconomic circumstances, cultural narratives, structural prejudices, and salient consumption behaviors by the rich and the poor. I discuss how these influences shape (and distort) attributions of economic outcomes and lay beliefs about wealth and poverty.

Drawing on insights from the sociology of markets, we offer an analytical review of market system dynamics (MSD) in consumer culture theory (CCT) research. We surface important theoretical gaps in current understanding and suggest future research areas. To extend the breadth and depth of MSD’s explanatory power in CCT research, we invite researchers to place greater emphasis on exploring four key issues: (1) differing institutional contexts and their influences on market dynamics; (2) the place and impact of the institutions of the family and religion in market shaping; (3) the role of race, ethnicity and nationality in market dynamics, within and across national borders; (4) conceptualizations of marketplaces as ambiguous environments wherein multiple ideologies, power regimes, and politics interact. In so doing, as a community of researchers, we can advance knowledge on not only what markets do in society but also on what markets do to society.

While there is a well-established literature on measuring political polarization in two-party systems, relational approaches to polarization in multiparty systems are still very limited. In this paper we develop a network-based approach for measuring perceived party polarization in survey studies that is suitable for multiparty systems. Our approach is based on cognitive social structures design. We generate a cognitive political network for each respondent in a nationally representative survey in Turkey by asking respondents their perceived ties among all possible dyadic relations among major political parties. From these networks we calculate multiple whole network measures that may be reasonable proxies for perceived party polarization. We compare our approach with the Left-Right political ideology distance scale commonly used in survey studies. Our analyses show that the association between our measure and the Left-Right ideological distance is limited. The cognitive political network approach may be a flexible and a direct alternative for measuring political phenomena in survey studies such as perceived party polarization in multiparty contexts.

Objectives The aim of this study was to compare Black and White mental health care patients’ perceptions of their providers’ and their own participation in patient-centered mental health care. Perceptions of patient-centered care (PCC) in relation to the Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity were explored. Methods Black and White veterans receiving mental health care (n = 82) completed surveys assessing patient activation, involvement in care, perceptions of PCC, and therapeutic alliance. Black participants (n = 40) also completed the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity. Results There were no differences by race in perceived PCC, though Black participants had lower levels of therapeutic alliance with their mental health care provider and were less activated. Black identity centrality, private regard, and public regard were positively related to PCC and elements of PCC such as patient information seeking/sharing. Conclusions Intragroup identity variables such as racial centrality, regard, and ideology influenced perceived PCC among Black participants. Race identity variables should be explored in future research on racial disparities and PCC. Practice implications Mental health care providers serving Black patients should create opportunities to discuss racial identity and race-related experiences as part of their efforts to improve therapeutic alliance and increase the patient-centeredness of care.

This paper examines collective action (CA) capacity and shape of coalitions. By applying temporal exponential random graph models on original datasets of Ottoman and French contenders, it finds that coalitions form both for strategic and ideological reasons; but strategically unified coalitions are more likely to take CA. Also, coalition shape depends on the type of disagreements among partners. Ideological polarization induces side taking; actors build ideologically oriented disconnected blocs. Absent ideological disagreements, strategically like-minded actors form cliques. Otherwise, umbrella coalitions emerge. This study o↵ers a novel theory to explain the kind of coalitions that are more likely to take CA.

There has been recent attention to the political divide between urban and rural voters in the United States. It is possible that as rural and urban voting behavior has diverged, this has been driven by increasing social conservatism among rural voters. However, given that the average American is not ideologically constrained nor stable, this may not be the case. Using data from the 2010–2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study Panel Study, this analysis compares the ideological constraint and stability of rural, suburban, and urban Americans. The results show that there has not been a divergence in rural, suburban, and urban ideologies or issue opinions in recent years. Rural and suburban respondents are more conservative than urban respondents on average, but they are not consistent conservatives, and their presidential votes are not primarily driven by a consistent set of conservative issue opinions.

Populist movements centre around a strong political leader and focus on the distinction between ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’. As soon as populists gain government power, they are thus faced with an ideological dilemma: Suddenly, they themselves are the political elite. Continuing in this line of thought, the article aims to understand whether a change in political power affects how populists and their supporters engage in dialogue online. Assuming that populist practices differ depending on the degree to which the politician in question still adheres to the political establishment, the analysis compares tweets by Donald Trump and his supporters with tweets by Boris Johnson and his followers based on 727 tweets posted in two stratified constructed weeks before and after the respective politician took office. By focusing on dialogue practices of populists as well as their supporters in terms of converging or diverging pragma-rhetoric strategies, the article extends existing research on populism by adding the voice of those who conceptualize themselves as embodiment of ‘the people’ that populism evokes. The results show how person deixis and ethotic arguments in online dialogues not only establish a rapport between populist leaders and their followers, but also serve to form collectives that are intransigently opposed to each other.

This review summarizes theory and research on how worldviews shape people’s orientation toward climate change. Two broad worldviews are examined: (1) those relating to views about the role of the State in regulating individuals and businesses (i.e. free-market ideology; individualism) and (2) those relating to views about social structure (i.e. social dominance orientation; hierarchialism). For ideological reasons, people with worldviews that oppose government regulation and/or endorse hierarchies are motivated to reach the conclusion that mitigation of climate change is unnecessary. This leads them to appraise climate science in biased ways, with negative consequences for pro-environmental intentions and behaviors. This problem can be overcome by framing messages about climate mitigation in ways that align with — rather than compete with – people’s worldviews.

Publisher Copyright: © 2021 The Authors Conflicting interests make forests an inevitably political issue. We examine the political roles that Finnish forest owners take as decision-makers and citizens. Inspired by post-political theories of democracy, we examine forest owners’ aim of open, constructive treatment of the controversies between views, ideologies and actors. Our data consisted of a survey (n = 452) informed by an interview (n = 24). We applied a mixed-method critical discourse analysis. The forest owners produced four alternative discourses of forest-related controversies, the major controversy being that between productivism and environmentalism. The ‘involved discourse’ positioned itself in between these two ideologies, although closer to the former. From this position, it expressed an eagerness to discuss any issue with anyone. The ‘pragmatist discourse’ criticised ideological environmentalism but did not perceive its own productivist ideology. The ‘receding discourse’ perceived its own environmentalist ideology and criticised the productivist one but was not eager to discuss forest policy issues. The ‘uninvolved discourse’ excluded controversies, and thus the political dimension, from a forest owner's life. The involved discourse was closest to the constructed ideal of respectful, agonist, re-politicisation of forest issues. Recognition of one's own ideology while being comfortably close to the hegemonic view of the forest seemed to be the main factor behind this orientation. Yet, political views that challenged the status quo and demanded a transformative change towards sustainability were pushed into a silent antagonism. A major forest policy challenge is how to bring forest owners with these transformative ideas – the proponents of ecological citizenship – into the sphere of agonist re-politicisation.

Partisan and ideological identities are a consistent barrier to the adoption of climate change mitigation policies, especially in countries where fossil fuel reliance is the highest. We review how understanding collective cognition may help overcome such barriers by changing norms, promoting cooperation, downplaying partisan identities, or leveraging other identities to promote pro-climate change beliefs and behaviors. We also highlight several gaps in the literature and lay out a brief roadmap for future research. This review highlights the important role that social identity plays, both in terms of a barrier and a potential solution, in aid of promoting climate change mitigation. We also propose several key areas where research is lacking, and identify specific future directions.

Public attitudes about climate policy are shaped by social identities, norms, and other sociocultural factors. Recent research demonstrates the impact of cues from policy makers and other political elites on support for climate policies, and the processes by which elite cues perpetuate political polarization. Elite cues convey information about social norms that influence people’s attitudes about climate policy. This can lead to people supporting or opposing climate policy beyond effects of ideology and climate concern. Elites also shape emotional tones of political issues, which can promote affective polarization and can motivate intergroup conflict. Despite emerging norms that climate change is an urgent issue requiring immediate action, the influence of political elites may polarize and pose barriers to climate action. As public concern about climate change increases, the public may look away from polarized elites and towards alternative emerging leaders who can reduce polarized public attitudes about climate change.

Empirical research on the impact of linguistic labels on social perceptions is scarce, especially in the context of ethnic groups. Across three studies (N = 1185), we investigated the impact of labels on perceptions of the Romani ethnic group by non-Romani participants in Serbia. In Study 1 (N = 244), we found some evidence that the Romani elicit more positive perceptions (more sociable and competent) when labeled with the neutral (vs. derogatory) term. In two follow-up studies, we focused on investigating potential mechanisms. In Study 2, we tested whether positive perceptions emerged via perceived higher status, while in Study 3 we focused on the motivation to respond without prejudice and sensitivity to hate speech. Study 2 (N = 467) replicated the labeling effect showing that Romani were perceived more positively (more sociable and moral) when labeled with the neutral term. However, we found no support for perceived group status as a mechanism. Study 3 (N = 474) did not corroborate the labeling effect but found the higher external motivation to respond without prejudice (potential mechanism). Meta-analytic effects showed that Romani were perceived as more moral, sociable, and competent when the neutral term was used. These effects were to some extent moderated by ideology as they existed only for right-wing individuals. We conclude that the effect is much smaller than the effects in previous comparable studies.

This article develops the concept of ecological imaginary to analyse collectively held beliefs, conceptions and metaphors around nature, and how they express notions of “good” and “bad” socio-ecological ordering. Through vignettes from Tallinn, the capital of Estonia, a Baltic former Soviet republic, it critically examines the ideological work ecological imaginaries do to delegitimize socialism. Empirically I offer evidence on how local elites use the imaginaries of ecosystems and wastelands to “other” the Soviet-socialist past, and to justify a peculiar mix of neoliberal, pro-nationalistic and technoutopian policies. The article makes two contributions to the underexplored space between political ecology and postsocialist theory. First, the ecological imaginaries framework opens up possibilities for advancing a critical political ecology perspective beyond the realm of ostensibly environmental and environmentalist practices, and across a wider range of phenomena such as ecological nationalism, green gentrification and digital natures. Second, by drawing out the ways in which imaginaries allow elites and other social actors to neutralize socialist options in the present, I contribute to a rethinking of the concept of postsocialism by refocusing it on the ideological work of the notion that socialism belongs to the past.

Integrating a social psychological perspective into Van Leeuwen's framework of social actor representation (2008), this study investigates the ways in which various forms of person reference are selected to position executioners, executed persons, and victims in execution reports. Based on a corpus of major broadsheets in Thailand, the analysis reveals extreme and, oftentimes disturbing, labels that assign polarized identities to each group. Exclusion and impersonal nominations mystify the executioners. Oppositional functional and identification labels disparage the executed individuals by exaggerating impression of legal violation and brutality, while idealizing the victims by emphasizing innocence, vulnerability and helplessness. It is argued that the patterns therein, motivated by the retentionist ideology, are socially divisive: they work to facilitate the public's moral disengagement from feeling complicit in the execution and constitute key to normalizing the violence of state killing from that inflicted by the condemned.

We study the benefits of political connections on firm performance by analyzing the effects of the early support to Silvio Berlusconi, a TV tycoon who in three months in 1993 founded a party, won the elections and became Italy’s Prime Minister. We find that the 101 companies who supported Berlusconi from the start did better than controls in terms of sales and employment, while the effects on productivity are less clear-cut. Results are confirmed when we instrument the decision to support Berlusconi with electoral outcomes in the 1921 Italian elections, which had similarities both in terms of electoral voting and ideological competition. We also find suggestive evidence that the supporters’ superior performance is stronger in sectors with high advertising intensity.

Understanding COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and uptake is vital for informing public health interventions. Prior U.S. research has found that religious conservatism is positively associated with anti-vaccine attitudes. One of the strongest predictors of anti-vaccine attitudes in the U.S. is Christian nationalism-a U.S. cultural ideology that wants civic life to be permeated by their particular form of nationalist Christianity. However, there are no studies examining the relationship between Christian nationalism and COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and uptake. Using a new nationally representative sample of U.S. adults, we find that Christian nationalism is one of the strongest predictors of COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy and is negatively associated with having received or planning to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. Since Christian nationalists make up approximately 20 percent of the population, these findings could have important implications for achieving herd immunity.

Attitudes toward multiculturalism in educational contexts – i.e., multicultural attitudes – are desirable qualities for good teaching practices. Unfortunately, little is known about the antecedents of prospective teachers’ multicultural attitudes. Before this backdrop, we argue that prospective teachers’ multicultural ideology, national pride, and intergroup contact are related to their multicultural attitudes. Studying these relationships can offer valuable insights for initial teacher education programs. We assessed prospective teachers’ (n = 72) multicultural attitudes (adapted version of the Teachers’ Multicultural Attitude Survey), multicultural ideology (Multicultural Ideology Scale), national pride (single item from large scale studies) and intergroup contact (experiences in multicultural classrooms and intergroup friendship). Results showed that higher multicultural ideology and lower national pride were related to more positive multicultural attitudes. We found no such relation for intergroup contact. Based on these new insights into prospective teachers’ multicultural attitudes, we argue that initial teacher education programs should reinforce and develop prospective teachers’ multicultural ideology and consider the role of national pride.

Objective To reveal the presence and activities of healers from funerary contexts. Materials Ethnohistoric and ethnographic textual descriptions and the bioarchaeological record. Methods A synthesis of human remains, grave contexts, and funerary objects. Conclusions The capacity to act as a “healer” forms part of the social identity of a diverse range of uniquely specialized individuals cross-culturally who also perform a variety of other roles associated with transcendent ideologies, beliefs, and religion. They are ambivalent, capable of doing both good and ill. They defend the health and well-being of the individual and the community but, using the same knowledge, are also implicated in attacks on individuals and groups within and outside their communities. This ambivalence, combined with a lack of defined institutional organization and the great diversity of medico-religious healers in the recent ethnographic past and historically, makes the identification of such individuals in the archaeological record controversial, but they are present. Significance Not only are healers identifiable in the archaeological record, but their practices disproportionately influence it, acting as a powerful complement to historical sources for the development of medicine and medical knowledge. Limitations Published literature is of variable detail, which means that healing practices and healers are under-appreciated and under-represented in reconstructions of past societies. Suggestions for Further Research Application of archaeothanatological approaches to recording and synthesis of the funerary context with the remains of the deceased can be used to identify objects and practices used in healing that have been more recently superseded by scientific approaches to health.

This study examines the consumer multiculturation of Mexican immigrants in the context of their food consumption practices in the UK multicultural marketplace. Adopting a qualitative methodology involving interviews and participant observation allows participants to share their responses to global consumer culture constructions that equate Tex-Mex with ‘authentic’ Mexican food culture. Focusing on situated, dynamic interactions among multiple cultural elements – consumers, brands, marketing ideology - within multicultural marketplaces our research contributes to the theoretical development of consumer multiculturation by: (1) broadening the concept to embrace the intercultural dynamics of production (specifically crafting); (2) conceptualising creolisation cooking practices as a contextually contingent creative, productive and tangible means through which immigrant consumers exercise agency during consumer multiculturation; and (3) identifying clarifying practices that translate immigrant consumers’ home food culture for others, simultaneously problematising the cultural meanings of globalised foreign/ethnic food brands. We conclude the paper by discussing the implications for cultural branding strategy.

We investigate the relationship between economic policy uncertainty (EPU) and corporate fraud. We find that firms are more likely to engage in corporate fraud during times of high EPU. Such a finding is robust to the undetected fraud and other potential endogeneity concerns. Moreover, we find that a strong institutional environment can weaken the positive association between EPU and corporate fraud, and the frauds of firms whose headquarters are located in a region that is less dominated by the community of interest with mainstream ideology are mitigated. The empirical results also show that the listed firms are more likely to participate in misconduct to the extent that the fraud deserves public condemnation, criticism, and an official warning without monetary fines being levied.

Intersecting neo-institutional and acculturation theory, this paper investigates how national\udacculturation ideologies inform attitudes towards modest fashion, comparing the United Kingdom\udand French contexts. Modest fashion, an emerging market phenomenon with roots in the\udconservative notion of ‘modesty’, has been a controversial cultural flashpoint.\udWe analyze public discourse towards modest fashion using UK and French press media\udarticles through content analysis. The UK press shows institutional work towards the\udlegitimization of a modest fashion subfield, integrated within the global fashion field. The French\udpress shows institutional work involving heterogenous actors, where modest fashion is framed as\uddestabilizing the Western fashion field, and stigmatized. Theoretical and managerial implications\udare considered.\udOur work contributes to acculturation and multicultural marketplaces literature by showing\udhow, in contexts that are similarly multicultural, large-scale institutions can structure markets in\udwidely different ways, and shape the realm of opportunities for marketers to cater to minority\udneeds.

This introduction to the special issue on proverbs across cultures presents a theoretical backdrop to the field of studying proverbs in general and within pragmatics in particular. It is an interdisciplinary and cross-cultural scrutiny which discusses pragmatic and sociolinguistic research on the role of proverbs in the (de)construction of gender ideologies, the transmission of cultural values, and their conceptual meaning, functions and contexts of use. It examines issues of language, society, and identity such as gender representation, politeness and language contact and discusses some of the central problems relevant to pragmatic research on proverbs. The authors highlight, among other things, how proverbs reveal instances of cultural sharing in some contexts while at the same time, reflecting the diversity in world views.

Does the politico-economic system affect preferences for immigration? In this study, I show that individuals exposed to life under state socialism have formed, and persistently hold different attitudes toward immigration. By exploiting the natural experiment of the division and reunification of Germany, I estimate the effect of state socialism on various measures of attitudes toward immigration. Drawing on rich individual panel data, I find that East Germans who lived under state socialism, are 12.9 percent more likely to oppose immigration than West Germans who spent their entire life in a democratic, capitalist country. The effect is persistent over time and across space, and largest for cohorts born and raised under state socialism. This gap in attitudes is not driven by individuals' experiences in the transition years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, but instead can be traced back to a longer-term deterioration in trust. Evidence relating to members of a group that opposed the authoritarian system highlights the importance of state socialist ideology for attitude formation.

This study examines language ideologies and communicative practices in the multilingual Vaupes region of northwestern Amazonia. Following a comparative overview of the Vaupes as a ‘small-scale’ language ecology, it discusses claims from existing ethnographic work on the region in light of data from a corpus of video-recordings of sociolinguistic interviews and spontaneous everyday conversations. It shows how a practice-based and interdisciplinary approach combining language documentation methodology and ethnographic, structural linguistic, and interactional perspectives can contribute to understanding of macro and micro aspects of multilingualism, thus contributing to future work on the Vaupes, typologies of small-scale multilingual ecologies, and language contact research.

This paper presents a theoretical model for understanding the co-evolution process between technologies and employment relations institutions. We have named this framework the Evolutionary Industrial Relations System (e-IRS) after both the original concept of an Industrial Relations System (IRS) by Dunlop and the evolutionary theory. The basic ideas of Dunlop's IRS are maintained: actors interacting in contexts, mediated by a shared ideology, to set up a web of rules that regulate employment relations. However, to surpass some of its main limitations, this model is substantially modified according to the evolutionary contributions about: firm behaviour, innovation and institutions. Innovation is seen as the main drive of change in employment relations institutions. The outcome of this process is unique for each country, because any change in employment regulation has to be negotiated between its respective firms, workers and government.

Unidad de excelencia María de Maeztu CEX2019-000940-M Altres ajuts: acords transformatius de la UAB Carbon taxation is a core instrument for climate mitigation. Its implementation, however, faces popular resistance. In this paper we study one of the most emblematic mobilizations triggered by the carbon tax issue, the Yellow Vest movement in France. We use Q-methodology, a mixed-method approach to identify discourses (or viewpoints) held by protesters. We find four statistically-distinctive viewpoints, emphasizing respectively: a systemic critique of capitalism; environmental action that is fair; priority over incomes and purchasing power of common people; and inequality and the responsibilities of corporations. Our research points to the importance of ideology in shaping viewpoints and filtering attitudes towards carbon taxes. Yet beyond ideological differences, we find consensus among all discourses, in that there should be more consultation in energy transition policy; the rich and not the poor should pay the cost of transition; and the government should use tax revenue for the transition only. We conclude that, for bold carbon tax schemes to be implemented with less conflict, a much more participatory, transparent and equitable design would be necessary than the one experienced in France.

Conversations around race have come to the forefront of public discourses in the United States with incidents of police brutality leading to movements such as Black Lives Matter and its opposition, All Lives Matter. Although there is substantial psychological literature focusing on racial attitudes and intergroup relations, much of this research is experimental, failing to capture diverse and evolving viewpoints of people in the United States. In the present study, our aim was to understand folk definitions and diverse perspectives about the role of race in the United States in participants’ own words. We thematically analyzed submissions to The Race Card Project (n = 913), a publicly available platform, and responses from a sample of college students describing perspectives on race (n = 1092). A total of 27 identified themes were organized in four domains: opinions about race, race-based interactions, race and identity, and emotions. Opinions about race ranged from color-blind ideology to racial equality, race as divisive or providing community, and excessive focus on race. References were made to historic and current race relations, assumptions based on skin color, prejudice and discrimination, White privilege, and “reverse racism.” These findings contribute to evolving scholarly understanding of race in the United States, with implications for informing initiatives to promote race relations and reduce experiences of discrimination for individuals of color.

The process of border formation of the United Arab Emirates included extensive local leadership participation. Such a rare event in the Middle East affords a glimpse into local inhabitants’ notions of borders and their transformations over time. Based on primary sources in English and Arabic, the paper follows the evolution of the unique spatial interpretation of borders adopted by the local leadership. It highlights two perceptual turning points during the border negotiations, from the reticular border system, through the setting up of frontier zones to the phase of territorial borders. The negotiations records shed light on the dialectic process of shaping and reshaping border perceptions through an ongoing dialogue between the local and British elites and through mutual adjustment of spatial ideas and practices. The paper argues that the borders delineation process in this region exemplifies late-stage decolonization when pragmatism transcended ideology and when locally-oriented considerations prevailed bureaucratic amenity.

From its earliest days, the field of human genetics has had a complex, and at times troubling, connection with racist ideologies. Although the modern field of human genetics and genomics has come a long way from those earlier errors, systemic racism remains ingrained in its institutions and practices. Although a variety of efforts are needed to excise systemic racism, we focus in this commentary on the work that must be done in scientific publishing in genetics and genomics. We propose eight principles that are both scientifically grounded and antiracist that we hope will serve as a foundation for the development of policies by publishers and editorial boards that address the unique needs of the field of genetics and genomics. Publishers and journals must go beyond mere policies, however. Editors and reviewers will need training on these policies and principles, and will benefit from resources like rubrics that can be used for evaluating the adherence of submissions to these guidelines.

Among the macro-social factors investigated in variational pragmatics (VP), region has received the most attention. To date, age-based differences have not been examined much in VP studies. Social status is frequently observed as a crucial factor affecting the pragmatic production of requests, but few studies have explored the interaction between social status and macro-social factors such as age. Therefore, this study investigates the effect of age and social status on social media requests between two groups of Chinese people across different ages (a younger group and an older group). Thirty-eight Chinese participants (18 younger adults and 20 older adults) were recruited in this study, contributing a total of 236 requests made via WeChat. The results indicated that both groups preferred direct strategies when making requests on WeChat. Social status affected the preferences for external and internal modification of the requests in each group. The similarities and differences in the two groups’ social media requests with respect to age, as well as due to societal and ideological changes as a consequence of socio-economic development in China, are discussed.

The aim of the research is to analyze changes as well as continuity observed in address practices used in Polish lingua-culture in the 20th century and the beginning of the 21 century. The period has been divided into three parts which are separated by two turning points in Polish history: 1945 — the end of the Second World War and the beginning of the period of Soviet dominance and communist rule in Poland; and 1989 — the Round-Table Talks and the first free parliamentary elections, which mark the beginning of Poland's transition from communism to liberal democracy and the opening to the West. In the analysis, we have employed a combination of historical sociopragmatics and the Discourse-Historical Approach (committed to Critical Discourse Analysis), which integrates “knowledge about the historical sources and the background of the social and political fields in which discursive ‘events’ are embedded” (Wodak, 2002: 65). The data used in the analysis come from (participant) observation, our corpus of Polish literary texts: 1900–2019 (consisting of 90 publications — 30 for each analyzed period), and Korpus Jezyka Polskiego PWN (the PWN Polish Language Corpus). The changes in Polish address patterns have been analyzed as an element of the discursive change resulting from contacts with different cultures and ideologies.

The history of the condom, although repressed or bypassed throughout the centuries, represents an important part of our cultural history. An historical overview on how the condom was perceived by Croatian physicians and how the pharmaceutical industry advertised condoms in the first half of the 20th century is provided. The contributions on contraception in Croatian medical bulletins, as well as the advertisements published in our professional pharmaceutical journals established during the Interwar Period is discussed. Indeed, the condom was for the most part neglected either as a prophylactic or as a contraceptive among physicians and public health workers, despite epidemics of syphilis and the rise of socialized medicine. In conclusion, this paper is the first attempt to provide the history of condom in Croatia, discussing dominant attitudes toward contraception, prophylaxis of venereal diseases, the control of reproduction, and the ideologies about human sexuality.

This article examines the role of political ideology as a motivation for general and targeted anti-consumption. Using data from a cross-sectional online survey conducted in the United Kingdom, we provide a unified model of the ways in which the economic and the sociocultural dimensions of political ideology are associated with anti-consumption manifestations (i.e., suspicion of marketing and intention to boycott) at the individual level. We show that 1) both kinds of manifestations of anti-consumption are found among politically extreme—versus moderate—individuals, 2) pro-market attitudes and authoritarianism have opposite effects on the likelihood of evincing anti-consumption attitudes and behaviours, and 3) authoritarianism moderates the overall negative effect of pro-market attitudes on anti-consumption manifestations. Our findings have implications for the persuasiveness of anti-consumption campaigns.

In this paper we present a diachronic corpus-based contrastive pragmatic study of German and Japanese Second World War crime apologies. War apology is a very emotively loaded and sensitive phenomenon, in particular because the crimes perpetrated can never be undone. We approach war apologies by examining their pragmatic features and explore the diachronic development of these features. Our aim is to offer a different insight into the phenomenon of war apology than would have been obtained using critical discourse analysis-based and sociological research on language and politics, which often departs from and confirms ideologically loaded assumptions. We approach war apologies through the lens of speech act theory, focusing on apology as an ‘extended’ interactionally embedded phenomenon. Our corpus consists of apologies issued by Japanese and German representatives of the state. Our analysis not only shows that there are major differences between the public war apologies under investigation and interpersonal apologies, but also that there are significant differences between the realisations of Japanese and German war apologies across time.

Negative employee behaviors (e.g., turnover and workplace deviance) can be pronounced during cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M&As), and they are often linked to their failure and suboptimal performance. Yet, thus far, M&A research has primarily focused on cultural clashes to account for such negative outcomes. Drawing on a multilevel perspective of role theory, we offer a conceptual framework that emphasizes the distinctiveness of cross-border M&As. We theorize how political ideology mismatch triggers psychological mechanisms that have important effects on employees’ attitudes and behaviors, and how the types of M&As and organizational justice perceptions could influence these psychological mechanisms. We contribute to advancing knowledge on employee outcomes in cross-border M&As by shedding light on how micro-relational dynamics interact with contextual factors to shape employees’ turnover and deviant workplace behaviors.

A growing number of businesses are focusing on diversity and inclusion efforts. Amidst this recent interest, scholars have sought to understand the ideologies that perpetuate inequality, concentrating primarily on the hierarchy-enhancing ideologies that antiegalitarians leverage to maintain inequality. However, we suggest that the hierarchy-enhancing beliefs typically associated with antiegalitarians (e.g., stereotypes, meritocracy) sometimes appeal to people at the opposite end of the ideological pole: egalitarians. Across four preregistered studies, we demonstrate that when hierarchy-enhancing myths may support practices aimed at promoting organizational diversity, egalitarians increasingly endorse these myths that they typically reject. When essentialism (Study 1), the Protestant work ethic (Study 2), and gender stereotypes (Study 4) supported organizational diversity, egalitarians increasingly endorsed these beliefs. They also exhibited scientific skepticism when findings jeopardized affirmative action efforts (Study 3). These findings illustrate that, ironically, pro-diversity goals can encourage egalitarians to mobilize and endorse beliefs that are typically associated with antiegalitarians and the justification of inequality.

We examine whether political polarization is an obstacle to common value reforms. We conduct experiments in two ideologically polarized countries, the United States and Egypt. Subjects vote between enacting a reform which yields higher expected financial payoffs than the costs of implementation for all (but has indirect differential benefits for supporters of only one group of voters) versus not enacting the reform and everyone receiving lower payoffs. We find that when the groups are polarized ideologically, subjects are less likely to vote for reform when informed that another political group would differentially benefit, and more likely to support reform should their own group benefit more. When subjects are told that one group will differentially benefit from reform, they are significantly more likely to explain their vote as being influenced by their own group membership. In contrast, we find that when subjects are organized into nonpolarized groups, group membership predicts reform support less, and when there are no differential benefits for a particular group, the effect of membership on support is significantly reduced. Hence, we find that the effect of polarization on support for common value reform is contingent on the existence of indirect differential benefits and the degree of ideological polarization of the groups who receive those benefits.

In 1946, shortly after V. Grossman’s play If you believe the Pythagoreans was published, he was severely criticized by two famous Soviet critics in the most prominent newspapers. The article investigates the circumstances of this campaign and demonstrates that it must have been occasioned by rivalry between the Soviet Writers’ Union and so-called “Agitprop”, and not by the ideological faults identified in the reviews. As for the periodicals, they were used as an instrument in this campaign.

This paper tests the widespread belief that right-wing governments tend to promote economic freedom while left-wing ones prefer more control over the economy. Using annual data for 106 countries over the period 1975-2015 and a two-step system GMM estimator, this study shows that right-wing governments are indeed more prone to promote economic freedom and to deregulate the economy. It also finds that this effect seems to be stronger in developing/emerging economies than in more developed countries. Moreover, the analysis of the broad dimensions of economic freedom indicates that right-wing governments tend to act by improving monetary soundness and freedom to trade internationally and by easing regulations that restrict entry into markets. Mainstream left-wing governments do not seem to affect economic freedom, however populist left-wing parties, when in office, are found to have a detrimental effect.

This paper introduces, for the first time in Slavic studies, a fictional character from the Soviet magazine Pioneer (1920s) – a funny twelve-year-old boy named Kuz’ka, who prompted a heated debate between the magazine and the Pionerskaia Pravda (Pioneer’s Truth) newspaper. This debate became a crucial point in the history of children’s literature of the late 1920s – early 1930s. Kuz’ka was a joint project of the best children’s illustrators and authors of that time: the graphic artist Alexey Laptev, and writers and poets Lev Kassil, Nikolay Agnivtsev, and Daniil Kharms. This paper focuses on the ideological attack on Kuz’ka led by Pionerskaia Pravda, the magazine’s desperate resistance, and its final defeat, which resulted in the character’s comic death and travesty mourning.

This article examines how the ideological cliches and propagandistic campaigns in Soviet newspapers of the 1920s and 1930s are reflected in the literature of the same period. Without ending the Great Purge, the Communist Party, hypocritically, called for its repressions to be stopped and innocent people to be rehabilitated. This campaign was described in the story ‘The Rehabilitation’ by the avant-garde writer Daniil Kharms. The article also deals with the propaganda campaign that began in the Soviet periodical press in August-September 1940. This was triggered by V. Molotov’s report in which, envisaging the development of the Second World War, he summoned Soviet citizens to “readiness for mobilization”. In literature, it stipulated the government’s order to depict virtuous and heroic characters. The “readiness for mobilization” idea explains the criticism of A. Avdeenko for his partiality to negative characters and of A. Akhmatova for her lyric poems.

This study investigates a language ideological debate concerning the adoption of simplified Chinese script—the norm in China—at tourist spots in Taiwan, where traditional Chinese script is the norm, after Taiwan opened up its market to Chinese independent travelers in 2011. With discourse data from the government, media, hosts, and Chinese travelers, we explore how the scripts are associated with various meanings and how the debate is interwoven with the contestation of Taiwanese identity. Multiple levels of tension are identified, including those between the symbolic and instrumental values of the scripts and between Taiwan's national identity and marketing considerations. We conclude that discourses concerning the two Chinese scripts serve as a discursive space where ‘Taiwaneseness’ and ‘Chineseness’ are variously constructed and negotiated along two main axes of differentiation.

In this study, we compare gendered proverbs in the Akan society of Ghana and Swahili society of Tanzania, focusing on convergences and divergences in their worldviews on conceptualisation of gender roles and functions. Our analyses of data from written and oral sources within the theoretical concepts of gender ideology and intertextuality establish that largely, gendered proverbs in Akan and Swahili are convergent and express similar gender ideologies. Gendered proverbs in the two societies typically refer to females, and even when they mention males, they often critically expose the subjugation of women in relation to male superiority. The main divergent feature between gendered proverbs in Akan and Swahili societies is the perception of females as sex objects and the use of explicit expressions of sex organs and sexual acts by Akan proverbs. In contrast, Swahili gendered proverbs rarely address sexuality, and when they do, they do so discreetly by implication.

In pluralistic societies such as Australia, an emerging diversity ideology of polyculturalism promotes sharing ideas and practices among people from diverse cultural traditions. What are the psychological associations of endorsing polyculturalism in contrast to multiculturalism and colorblindness, especially for an individual’s psychological well-being? We tested a path model to investigate if diversity ideologies are associated with flourishing through ethnocultural empathy, intercultural contact quality, and cultural identity clarity, using questionnaire responses of 255 Australians. The results supported our hypothesis that polyculturalism is associated with higher ethnocultural empathy and higher-quality intercultural contact and with higher flourishing through these pathways. Simultaneously, polyculturalism also associated with lower cultural identity clarity and indirectly with lower flourishing through this pathway. In contrast, the results did not support the link between these mediators and multiculturalism or colorblindness. Our findings indicate that polyculturalism has both positive and negative associations with eudaimonic well-being for those who endorse this ideology and suggest the increasing relevance of polyculturalism for Australians and the need for further research.

The subject of this article is the literary section of the newspaper Zhizn’ (Life), issued in Moscow from late April to the beginning of June, 1918. Most of the contributors were highly competent writers: A. Blok, A. Bely, A. Sologub, V. Khodasevich, A. Akhmatova, N. Gumilev, O. Mandelshtam, A. Remizov, I. Erenburg. We research the staff of the section, comment on the life and work of less known or unknown authors and show how some ideologically saturated texts evolved from reports towards political writing through objective narration. We also examine several controversial publications that reveal polemics both within the newspaper and directed against some other periodicals. The conclusion describes the fates of Zhizn’ and some of its staff, which varied according to the ideology of the preceding and forthcoming regimes.

Aimed at frustrated parents whose young children refuse to go to bed, Go the Fuck to Sleep was a bestseller before it hit the shelves in 2011. Much of the book's humour lies in its juxtaposition of profanity-laden poetry with illustrations of children and nature that would not be out of place in a typical children's picture book – the books that parents read repeatedly to satisfy their restless children. Although the writer is a father speaking from his experience, creating this in-joke nurtures an imagined community of any caregivers who suffer the same fate night after night. A combination of APPRAISAL analyses, both verbal (cf. Martin and White 2005) and visual (cf. Painter et al. 2013), provides evidence for the ways in which the book shows how the child takes the power role in the bedtime routine of middle-class households. Visual choices follow the typical format of children's bedtime stories, with the child increasingly at the centre of the images. Verbal evaluations show that, at first, parents deny their children the items or activities that they want but later concede to their demands. As the narrator becomes more frustrated and desperate, the evaluations move from the idea of a secure sleep for the child, to questioning the child's honesty, to denouncing his parenting skills. This paradoxical role-reversal in the book allows parents some relief from the guilt that they might be bad parents because of their nightly loss of authority over the child. However, it also foregrounds the ideological issues at stake at bedtime.

We investigate COVID-19 related consumers’ donation intent predicated on their political ideology and the message frame - one emphasising the statistical number of affected victims, and the other focusing on a specifically identified victim. Across three studies, we find that the impact of the message frame depends on consumers’ political ideology. Politically conservative consumers respond to the identifiable victim (vs. statistical victims) frame more favorably while politically liberal consumers are indifferent across the two frames (Studies 1 and 2). We further find that this conditional positive effect of identifiable victim frame for conservative consumers is mediated by consumers’ state anxiety evoked by the message frame (Study 3). This paper concludes with contributions to theory, implications for practice, and directions for future inquiries.

Within the caregiver-patient relationship, the emotional burden and internal psychological tensions are central. If the desire to care leads to an encounter with the patient, a whole professional "growth" is to be built in order to learn how to relate to emotions and affects that accompany care situations. This "step sideways" allows for caring thinking. The avoidance of this acceptance can lead the caregiver to a psychic economy, to an overly framed posture, at the risk of not welcoming the patient's suffering. Finally, the managerial ideology, if present in the hospital today, represents a brake on the capacity to think the clinic.

Legitimization is the process through which certain ideologies are made legitimate within the norms and values of a given society. It is a process by which certain events or actions are normalized by virtue of the authority one holds. Through legitimization practices, politicians are provided with the means of offering implicit reasons to complete their actions through using certain discursive tools. This study examines the language of Trump’s speech before his supporters stormed the Capitol. This is done with the aim of investigating the legitimation discursive tools employed throughout which eventually led to the attack. The analysis is employed through utilizing van Leeuwen’s legitimation framework (2008). Within this framework, van Leeuwen offers four main legitimation strategies (1)authorization, (2)evaluation, (3)rationalization, and (4)mythopoesis. A tag set of these categories is created and annotated into the corpus chosen for this corpus based study and later retrieved using a concordance programme.

The importance of gender balance in all workplace environments cannot be overstated. Organizations that create diverse and inclusive work environments are more adaptable, creative, and become magnets that attract top talent. In this paper we explore a few case studies from several countries to examine the status of women in science and technology, focusing mainly on engineering. We present historical information regarding the first women’s entry into the profession, the current situation, and any trends that can be observed from available data. The data and associated contexts show that in the cases where parity is achieved there is a link to both fast-paced economic development requirements and to the ideology and policies of the country.