This dissertation focuses on the effect of government policies on disadvantaged groups. In the first two chapters, I study the effect of occupational licensing policies that disparately impact immigrants. In the third chapter, I study the effect of Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act on the use of online medical crowdfunding platforms.Occupational licensing is a labor market institution that restricts the right to practice an occupation to workers in possession of a recognized credential (Friedman 1962). Kleiner and Kruger (2013) estimate that almost 30% of the workforce is licensed. While licensing has been justified on the grounds of asymmetric information about work quality, most research finds that licensing restricts labor supply, with ambiguous effects on quality. Moreover, occupational licensing may have a disparate effect on disadvantaged groups. A growing literature examines the effects of licensing on different types of workers, such as immigrants, women, and African Americans (Dorsey 1983, Law and Marks 2009, Blair and Chung 2018, Gomez et al 2015, Federman et al 2006, Kugler and Sauer 2005, Peterson et al 2014, Runst 2018, Brucker et al 2018, Cassidy and Dacass 2019, McDonald et al 2015, Tani 2018). In the first chapter of my dissertation, I exploit a recent California law to study the effects of licensing restrictions on undocumented immigrants. In the US, undocumented immigrants are barred by federal law from obtaining occupational licenses. This is a much stronger barrier to entry than occupational licenses represent for natives and legally present immigrants. In 2016, the State of California began to allow undocumented immigrants to apply for occupational licenses. I combine this policy variation with a difference-in-difference methodology and survey and administrative data to estimate the effect of legal access to licenses for undocumented immigrants. I find that licensing reform increased access to licenses. Using administrative data from the California Department of Consumer Affairs, I find that after 2015, the number of licenses granted to people with Hispanic names increased 10% relative to non-Hispanic whites. Using data from the Current Population Survey, I find that self-reported licensing increased 2 percentage points among likely undocumented workers in California relative to other groups. Access appeared to increase earnings for undocumented workers: comparing California to other states, earnings increased more after the reform for likely undocumented immigrants working in more heavily licensed occupations. Moreover, this increase in earnings was not at the expense of other groups; there was no concurrent decrease in earnings for natives or naturalized immigrants. My results have two important implications. First, undocumented immigrants are meaningfully constrained by federal licensing policy. Second, state governments may be able to expand access to licenses for undocumented immigrants without adversely affecting other workers.These findings are useful for policymakers working on occupational licensing reform. In 2019, Nevada and Oregon passed laws similar to California’s policy, with New Mexico and New Jersey following suit in 2020. Many other states have enacted policies providing access to occupational licenses specifically for DACA recipients. Moreover, occupational licensing in general remains an active area for state legislatures, with 449 laws relating to occupational licensing enacted by state legislatures in 2019 (National Congress of State Legislatures 2019). Understanding the effects of these policies is essential to creating effective occupational licensing policy in the future. In the second chapter, I estimate the effect of occupational licensing laws on immigrant participation in various occupations in the US from 1850 to 1940. The effect of occupational licensing on access to professions for disadvantaged groups is theoretically ambiguous. While economists typically view licensing as a barrier to entry which should reduce labor supply, some scholars suggest that licensing may make professions more accessible to disadvantaged groups by creating clear and objective standards for entry (Redbird 2017). Law and Marks (2009) find that black and female employment increased in an occupation after it became licensed, though these results have been subject to some debate (Klein et al. 2012, Law and Marks 2012). It is an open question whether occupational licensing facilitated discrimination perpetuated by licensing boards or rather mitigated it.Using the staggered adoption of licensing for fifteen occupations initially licensed in most states during the Age of Mass Migration, together with difference-in-differences empirical strategies and historic Census data, I estimate the effect of licensing on the share of foreign-born workers in a given occupation-state pair. I find that, after licensing, the share of foreign-born workers increases 3-5 percentage points. These results are fairly consistent across alternative estimation strategies, including recent difference-in-differences methodologies that are robust to heterogeneous and dynamic treatment effects (Chaisemartin and D’Haultfœuille (2021)). I also examine the heterogeneous effects of occupational licensing across occupations. I use linear probability models to examine the effect of licensing on the probability that an immigrant works in an occupation relative to native workers. Consistent with conflicting theories of the effect of licensing on occupational attainment, I find mixed results. For some relatively small occupations (accountants, beauticians, dentists), I find that licensing reduces immigrant representation in the occupation. However, for larger occupations (physicians and possibly teachers and barbers), I find some evidence that licensing increases the participation of immigrants. In contrast with prior research (Law and Marks 2009), I do not find any evidence that occupational licensing has more positive effects on immigrants in occupations that feature asymmetric information. In the third chapter, I address the question: do Medicaid expansions crowd-out private donations for medical expenses? Using a novel data set of over 180,000 fundraisers scraped from GoFundMe, a crowdfunding website, I compare changes in crowdfunding activity in states that passed Medicaid expansions with states that do not. I find no effect of Medicaid expansion on intensive margin fundraising outcomes (funds raised and fundraiser goal). I do find large and statistically significant effects of Medicaid expansion at the extensive margin; after expansion, fundraisers declined by nearly 20% in states that expanded Medicaid. These results are robust to estimation methods that allow for heterogeneous treatment effects and staggered treatment adoption (Chaisemartin and D’Haultfœuille’s 2021). This research is important for understanding the role of crowdfunding in the medical finance ecosystem, and more broadly for understanding how big the problem of public transfers crowding out private insurance is for the ACA Medicaid expansion.