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Political party in the Republic of Macedonia began to operate after independence and the adoption of the Constitution in November 1991 and has since become an integral part of the political scene and the data from the Central Registry of the Republic of Macedonia registered political parties more than 50 political parties active in the current system. The electoral system in the country is set according to the proportional model where direct and free elections by secret ballot to elect members of Parliament and members of the municipal councils and the City of Skopje for four years, while according to the majority model is the selection of the President of the Republic for a term of five years and the election of mayors of municipalities and the City of Skopje for four years. The legal framework for the financing of political parties in the country is well developed. The main law governing the financing of political parties and their supervision law on financing of political parties and the amendments to the same law. The provisions contained in the law is comprehensive, addressing the financing of the regular activities of political parties and their supervision and demonstrate ensuring transparency and accountability in political financing and a ban on anonymous donations and donations from abroad and determine the rules for cap on private donations and prohibiting quid pro quo agreements. Some provisions relating to the financing of political parties included in the Law on Political Parties and certain provisions governing the various supervisory authorities, in particular the Law on Prevention of Corruption and the Law on State Audit footnote. The basic law that regulates elections is the Electoral Code. Under the provisions of the Electoral Code the political parties and election campaign organizers are required to submit financial reports to the authorities to ensure respect for the principles of transparency and accountability and are made public. The law does not provide for submission of financial reports by donors of political parties. This is considered a disadvantage of this law and expressed doubt that allowing circulation of funds from illegal sources in the financing of election campaigns. Electoral Code prohibits election campaign financing by funds from the state budget. However, the organizers of the campaign receive compensation from the state budget if they won at least 1.5% of the total vote. Also political parties, their electoral campaigns financed from private sources in the form of membership fees, donations from individuals and legal entities. Despite the legal aspects on transparency, general public perception is that in a country where the economy in cash still plays an important role, transparency is generally low in practice and that political parties and candidates for elections receive and spend much more money than what is officially shown in the financial statements. Higher spending funds still dominate especially in the area of paid political advertisements. Transparency in political financing provides elected officials and leaders of political parties to be responsible for their finances and facilitate the monitoring of their integrity. Based on current practice can be said that despite the controls performed financial activities of political parties by the state institutions, punitive measures are not implemented despite the apparent state of inconsistency regarding the practice of financial reporting and transparency. In this scientific article is exhausted comparative and empirical methodology, which include an assessment of source funding for political parties and financing of election campaign for local elections in 2013, parliamentary and presidential elections in 2014. The methodology involves checking the legal framework as it is applied in practice in terms of transparency of political financing, compared with internationally recognized principles. By getting thorough information provided empirical evidence to create a clear picture in areas that require reform. Based on empirical data and results of research conducted within this work it can be concluded that the functioning of the state and public oversight over the financing of election campaigns of political parties in Macedonia is more pronounced within the law than in practice. There is a large discrepancy between the legal and factual situation.

The article analyzes the new electoral law voted and enacted in the spring of 2015, which reintroduced the plurinominal vote, regarding the election the senators and deputes, not by uninominal election, but by voting a party-list. On the other hand, the article analyzes the new electoral law concerning the financing of the political parties and the development of the electoral campaign. Because of the new electoral laws, the logic and the old political customs, related to the illegal financing of the political parties, will be forgotten, due to the donors’ obligation to be transparent. By the new electoral law, the Permanent Electoral Authority is the institution qualified to perform the control of the income and expenses of the parties and electoral alliances, but also on the revenues realized during the campaign, offered by creditors and donors, but transactions can only be made by bank credit transfer or payment order, thus conferring discipline and public transparence on the financing of political organizations and on the debts and loans stored by the parties.

The fall 2014 Romanian presidential elections have shown the involvement in the electoral campaign of all influential factors, parties, the church, intelligence agencies and citizens, thus the result of the vote was unpredictable till the moment it was presented, on the evening of November 16. The study analyses the mechanism of majority voting and also the ways that political parties are financed , the debts they have acquired and offers a few solutions, instead of conclusions, regards to the electoral system reform, the law concerning the political parties funding and the way the president gets elected, for revising the current constitution, republished in 2003.

The study below aims to provide an analytical image over the electoral campaign of the candidate Klaus Iohannis, at the presidential elections in November 2014. The authors have structured the study on two panels. The first one regards a short political history of the events that led to the candidacy of Klaus Iohannis and the second one analyzes the evolution of the opinion polls for the first two candidates with chances to enter in the second round of the elections: Victor Ponta and Klaus Iohannis.

Our material introduces the concept of hybrid electoral area, as a distinct electoral entity set up by special territorial and administrative processes. We analyze specific cases of such spaces in Iasi and we see how the winning electoral strategies have been configured here. We provide examples of campaign activities and actions which ensured the candidates’ success by simultaneously targeting both the electoral sub-spaces and the community seen as whole.