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International audience; La Gigantomachie est le mythe dont l’horizon est la constitution de l’ordre actuel du monde : ordre physique et matériel des éléments ; ordre politique des dieux et des humains. À la lumière de nouveaux documents et de monuments issus de récentes fouilles archéologiques ou d’oeuvres majeures conservées dans les collections des musées, ce mythe et ceux qui lui sont associés ont fait ici l’objet d’un nouvel examen. Tous les aspects littéraires, artistiques et historiques sont abordés afin de mieux saisir l’importance de la Gigantomachie dans l’Italie antique (Cumes, Satricum, Étrurie, Spina, Grande Grèce et Sicile) et ses développements en Orient (dans la Pergame hellénistique ou sur les sites d’Asie mineure à l’époque impériale romaine, notamment avec les théâtres), sans négliger les métamorphoses du mythe dans les paysages et l’art contemporain.

La reprise des recherches archeologiques sur la colonie grecque de Laos et la mise en valeur du site archeologique de Marcellina (fraction de Santa Maria del Cedro, province de Cosenza) ont pour ambition de poursuivre et de developper la collaboration fructueuse entre institutions francaises et italiennes qui avait permis entre 1973 et 1994 la fouille de l’etablissement lucanien de Laos-Marcellina (fig. 108). Les nouvelles fouilles entreprises par la Surintendance de la Calabre et l’explorati...

The archaeological site located at Kennedy Avenue (Martigues, France) has been the subject of a preventive excavation from May to July 2013. Sixty-four funerary structures (primary burials and bones in secondary position) were found during this field operation. Typology of graves and burial modes reveal some specific features. Individuals found in primary position are buried in standardized nailed wood coffins, and these coffins are placed in narrow parallel common trenches, in which they are superimposed on several levels. The burial in collective structures (i.e. trenches) of a large number of individuals - with regard to the population of Martigues in the XIXth century and its usual mortality rate – leads us to think about a disaster graveyard, which existence was con-firmed by our researches in the city archives. This plot, used between 1840 and 1854, corresponds to an extension of the existing churchyard, which started as soon as the first cholera epidemics reached the city of Martigues. The year 1854 is also marked by one of the most deadly cholera episodes for this city.If burials in collective trenches translate a usually high mortality rate, maintaining individual-ized burials in coffins shows that this mortality crisis was correctly brought under control. The study of this exceptional archaeological site and its related historical data should respond to certain issues: first, the presence of bones in secondary position and without any preserved anatomical connections seems to confirm a more extensive use of the cemetery than during the year 1854 alone. Secondly, the estimation of the maximal geographic extension of this cemetery, together with historical data, will assess the severity of the epidemic crisis. Finally, Biomolecular analyses aim to highlight the involvement of the cholera bacillus from a biological point of view., Le site du 10 avenue Kennedy (Martigues, Bouches-du-Rhône) a fait l’objet d’une fouille préventive de mai à juillet 2013, suite à une opération diagnostique en 2012. Un usage funéraire des parcelles était supposé grâce aux archives de la ville ; la fouille a confirmé ce type d’occupation avec la mise au jour de 64 structures funéraires (sépultures primaires et ossements en position secondaire). Le type de tombe et le mode d’inhumation livrent des particularités. Les sujets en place sont inhumés dans des cercueils de bois cloués standardisés, puis ces cercueils sont déposés dans des tranchées communes étroites et parallèles, dans lesquelles ils sont superposés sur plusieurs niveaux. L’inhumation d’un nombre important de sujets – au regard de la population de Martigues au XIXe siècle et de son taux de mortalité habituel – dans des structures collectives en tranchées rapproche bien ce site d’un cimetière de catastrophe. L’été 1854 est marqué par un épisode de choléra à Martigues, dont les archives font état (délibération du conseil de la ville, courriers divers, séries de statistiques, etc…). Ces archives situent également à l’emplacement de notre site une extension du cimetière paroissial, créée en 1854 afin d’inhumer les victimes de l’épidémie de choléra. Les registres recensant la population font par ailleurs état d’un nombre anormalement élevé de décès durant cette période. L’année 1854 est historiquement référencée pour l’importance de l’épidémie de choléra à l’échelle générale du sud de la France.Les résultats de l’étude du site semblent donc confirmer l’existence d’un cimetière dévolu à l’inhumation des victimes de l’épidémie de choléra. Si l’inhumation en tranchées collectives traduit une surmortalité anormale, le maintien des inhumations individualisées en cercueils montre une gestion relativement maîtrisée de la crise de mortalité. L’étude de ce site exceptionnel et des données historiques doit permettre de répondre à certaines problématiques : en premier lieu, la présence d’ossements en position secondaire et sans connexions anatomiques préservées semble indiquer une utilisation plus étendue que durant la seule année 1854. En second lieu, l’estimation de l’extension maximale de ce cimetière permettra d’évaluer la gravité de la crise épidémique, en relation avec les données historiques. Enfin, des analyses biomoléculaires visent à mettre en évidence d’un point de vue biologique l’implication du bacille du choléra.

At the eastern end of the Aix-en-Provence territory (antique Sextiae Aquae), on the southern foothills of Mount Sainte-Victoire, the ancient Domaine Richeaume includes the remains of a vast Roman agricultural domaine ; the villa (Richeaume I) and its burial space (Richeaume XIII) have been the object of extensive fieldwork. The creation of the different zones (production, residential housing, burial space) across this domaine reflects the structure and the organization of this landscape.The burial space at Richeaume XIII comprises 43 funerary structures, broadly grouped into two chronological phases: the first to the middle of the third centuries AD, and the second half of the third to the seventh century AD. The first phase of occupation is characterized by the exclusive use of cremation, except for the very young infants. The key element on the site is a large monument, around and within which the Early Imperial funerary elements were situated.During Late Antiquity and Early Middle Age, the southern part of the necropolis was still used. The monument retains an important role in the landscape despite the abandonment of his funeral service.Research at the site was situated within a framework assessing ritual and gesture and is therefore interdisciplinary in nature: common protocols across physical anthropology, archaeo-anthracology and archaeo-thanatology, along with other specialisms (archeology, ceramology, paleobotany, architecture, geomorphology, etc...), with a view to identifying common human gestures. The recognition of the function and nature of the archaeological structures allowed us to define the ritual landscape and suggests variability and complexity in practices across this burial space. This collaboration contributes to the reconstruction of the funerary landscape. The visual prominence of the monument, along with the funerary terrace, are dominant elements in the ritual landscape. Moreover, the various stages in the funeral rites on this site have been identified and allow us to infer the visual, audible and olfactory experiences associated with cremation. All of these elements reflect very specific choices regarding location of the site and the burials. Our study reflects the proliferation of memorial sites and places, as well as the ritual importance of the monument, designed as a funerary garden whose operation is similar to that of a mausoleum. It allows to determine the parameters leading to its inclusion in the domanial landscape.The multiplicity of funeral rites in the Roman world is thus revealed by this interdisciplinary strategy. This approach also implies extreme complexity in Roman ritual landscapes. We also contrast our evidence with evidence provided by written sources., Situé à l’extrémité orientale du Pays d’Aix-en-Provence (antique Aquae Sextiae), sur le piémont méridional de la montagne Sainte-Victoire, le domaine antique de Richeaume présente les vestiges d’un vaste domaine agricole, dont la villa (Richeaume I) et son espace funéraire (Richeaume XIII) ont été explorés. L’implantation des différents espaces constitutifs de l’espace domanial (activités de production, habitat résidentiel, espace funéraire) répond à une organisation structurée et structurante du paysage.L’espace funéraire de Richeaume XIII a fait l’objet d’une opération programmée (2007-2012). Elle a révélé 43 structures à vocation funéraire, réparties dans deux phases d’occupation majeures : du Ier au milieu du IIIe siècle puis de la seconde moitié du IIIe au IXe s. de n.è. La première phase d’occupation est marquée par l’usage unique de la crémation (19 structures), excepté pour les Très Jeunes Immatures. L’élément fondateur de cette occupation funéraire est l’édification d’un vaste monument funéraire, autour et à l’intérieur duquel s’installent des structures de crémation durant le Haut-Empire. A la fin de l’Antiquité et au Haut Moyen-âge, l’implantation funéraire perdure mais se déplace au sud du monument funéraire, qui conserve un rôle de marqueur dans le paysage malgré l’abandon de sa fonction funéraire.L’étude du site, tant sur le terrain que lors de la phase de recherche, s’est inscrite dans une archéologie du rituel et du geste et s’est donc basée sur une approche interdisciplinaire : un protocole commun entre anthropologie, archéo-anthracologie, et archéo-thanatologie, mis en œuvre conjointement à d’autres spécialités (archéologie, céramologie, paléobotanique, architecture, géomorphologie, etc…), afin d’aborder au mieux gestes adoptés. La reconnaissance de la fonction et la nature des structures nous a permis de définir le paysage rituel, qui montre la variabilité des pratiques et leur complexité au sein d’un même ensemble. Cette collaboration a également permis de reconstituer le paysage général de l’espace funéraire. L’aspect visuel marquant de la construction même de la terrasse funéraire et sa position dominante participent de la constitution du paysage rituel, au même titre que les gestes et éléments adoptés dans les bûchers et les tombes mêmes. En effet, les différentes étapes des rites liés aux funérailles sur ce site ont fait l’objet de choix raisonnés, ayant pour but d’allier les aspects visuel, sonore et olfactif lors de la crémation. Cette volonté a un écho dans la dimension plus étendue de la nécropole : ces aspects font également l’objet de gestes réfléchis, dans le choix de la terrasse comme monument, dans le choix de son emplacement, dans l’implantation de marqueurs, dans l’aménagement d’un jardin, … Notre étude traduit la multiplication des lieux de mémoire et des lieux intégrant le rituel et souligne l’importance du monument en terrasse, dont le fonctionnement s’apparente à celui d’un mausolée. Elle permet de cerner les paramètres ayant présidé à son inscription dans le paysage domanial. La multiplicité du rite funéraire en contexte romain est ainsi révélée par ce type d’approche interdisciplinaire. Cette approche laisse aussi entrevoir l’extrême complexité du paysage rituel romain, dans ses multiples phases et dans la variabilité qu’il connait. Nous nous interrogeons notamment sur la notion de sépulture ou de lieu de mémoire que peuvent revêtir les structures liées à la crémation, dans leur définition archéologique au regard de celle suggérée par les textes antiques.

International audience

International audience

International audience; Durante gli anni di ricerca sulle necropoli settentrionali di Cuma, il Centre Jean Bérard, in collaborazione con la Soprintendenza Archeologica di Napoli, ha portato alla luce una serie di sepolture di II-I sec. a.C. Lo studio congiunto del palinsesto stratigrafico, dei corredi, del repertorio epigrafico e dei dati antropologici ha permesso di apportare nuove informazioni sulla società cumana e soprattutto aggiungere ulteriori dati sull’autorappresentazione funeraria dei diversi gruppi etnici all’interno della città.Cuma nel 334 a.C. ottiene la civitas sine suffragio e nel 318 a.C. è sottoposta alla giurisdizione della Praefectura Capuam Cumas. I risultati delle ricerche degli ultimi anni hanno ampliato notevolmente il quadro delle conoscenze sul periodo osco a Cuma e, più in generale, sulla fase tra la metà del II e i primi decenni del I sec. a.C. quando si registrano significativi interventi architettonico-edilizi in diversi punti della città (foro, fortificazioni, acropoli, etc.). Tutte le città dei Campi Flegrei conoscono in questa fase un periodo di grande vivacità economica durante il quale la regione riveste un ruolo di primo piano nei contatti e negli scambi nel bacino del Mediterraneo. La fine delle guerre puniche e la fondazione della colonia romana marittima di Puteoli nel 194 a.C. ne accelerano notevolmente lo sviluppo economico. L’acquisizione nel 180 a.C. del diritto di usare il latino negli atti pubblici e nel commercio (Liv. 40.43.1) lascia presupporre che a Cuma si sia realizzato il processo di “romanizzazione”.La zona presa in esame in questo contributo si estende fuori dalle mura settentrionali, lungo gli assi stradali che uscendo dalle porte principali della città si dirigevano verso nord. In questa area, tra la seconda metà del II e la metà del I sec. a.C. il paesaggio inizia ad animarsi della presenza di sontuose tombe a camera semi ipogeica e di un cospicuo numero di tombe individuali a cremazione.L’analisi dei dati sembra indicare che nella seconda metà del II sec. a.C. il gruppo umano in esame non prediliga un rituale in particolare: cremazione e inumazione sono attestate in maniera univoca. Quello che però sembra mutare completamente è la tipologia architettonica, in apparenza legata alla pratica funeraria adottata: a pochi metri di distanza tra loro insistono tombe a camera per inumazioni plurime e tombe a “parallelepipedi con stele” o a fossa con cippo predisposte per accogliere i resti cremati di un solo individuo. Nel caso delle prime, si tratta soprattutto di tombe a camera semi ipogeica con volte a botte, sormontate da semata. Queste ultime, messe in opera con grandi blocchi in tufo giallo flegreo, ospitano al loro interno due o tre letti o cassoni funerari. Il rito adottato, come già detto, è l’inumazione. Il defunto è posto su un leggero strato di sabbia accanto al quale è deposto il corredo funerario che appare fortemente standardizzato ma di qualità non trascurabile. Si tratta nel caso d’inumazioni femminili di oggetti che alludono a due sfere del mundus muliebris : da una parte, attraverso la deposizione di manufatti legati al mondo della cosmesi e della cura personale è rappresentata la potenzialità seduttiva della donna mentre, dall’altra, fusi e conocchie ne delineano il ruolo di mulier lanifica, ovvero di donna che ha realizzato il matrimonio. Il ruolo sociale dell’uomo invece non è enfatizzato attraverso il corredo funerario; questo, quando presente, si limita al solo strigile che potrebbe alludere all’educazione (atletica) del defunto. La mancata connotazione, come nelle fasi precedenti, dell’uomo come guerriero potrebbe far ipotizzare un ruolo differente all’interno della società: egli è ora un cittadino non solo osco ma anche romano e non ha bisogno di armi o altri oggetti per connotarsi come tale. Pertanto, la tomba all’interno della necropoli potrebbe costituirne il riflesso del ruolo occupato all’interno della società. Non vanno dimenticati, infine, gli stili che, solitamente accompagnati da un calamaio, connotano il defunto come soggetto alfabetizzato e colto. Contemporanee a queste sepolture sono le tombe a “parallelepipedi con stele superiore”. Tale tipologia tombale prevede un ricettacolo in tufo, composto da due grandi blocchi scavati all’interno per dar alloggio al cinerario sempre in ceramica. All’interno dell’urna, oltre alle ossa combuste, si ritrovano alcuni resti del corredo funerario cremato insieme al defunto; oggetti che non si discostano molto dal repertorio tipico delle tombe a camera. In alcuni casi, al momento della cremazione il corpo doveva essere posto su un letto come testimoniano i frammenti combusti in osso finemente lavorato all’interno dei cinerari.Alcune sepolture conservano sulla parte sommitale dei cippi o delle stele iscrizioni in osco o in latino che connotano gli individui come di origine osca. I nomi incisi nel tufo, in molti casi, sono collegabili a famiglie già attestate a Cuma e nel territorio.Con il sopraggiungere del I sec. a.C. a queste tombe si affianca una cospicua quantità di tombe individuali, probabilmente pertinenti ai ceti inferiori della popolazione. Si tratta di sepolture secondarie a cremazione segnalate da cippi in tufo simili a quelli attestati nella fase precedente. Le ossa combuste sono deposte all’interno di urne cinerarie, recipienti d’uso quotidiano generalmente adibiti alla cottura dei cibi. Quasi del tutto assenti sono gli oggetti di corredo; alcuni balsamari in ceramica documentano l’esistenza di rituali funerari in relazione con le tombe. In questa fase, la parte sommitale dei cippi e delle stele è caratterizzata da un’iscrizione unicamente in latino che documenta la presenza di individui di cittadinanza romana, alcuni dei quali di origine osca. Lo scavo degli ossuari e l’analisi antropologica dei contesti tombali hanno permesso di evidenziare non solo i dati biologici delle persone deposte ma hanno fornito anche utili informazioni riguardo le pratiche post-crematorie e su alcuni gesti inerenti la conduzione di una cremazione, la raccolta dei resti ossei (l’ossilegium) e la loro deposizione in tomba. Le sepolture qui presentate mostrano bene la vivacità culturale della città flegrea: una città che, nonostante continui a conservare un substrato culturale greco (Strab. 5.4.4.) e nonostante si sia affacciata al mondo romano in maniera preponderante, continua ad essere influenzata da una forte componente osca (Vell. 1.4.2). In questa società, che potremmo definire multietnica, le famiglie osche o di origine osca oltre a mantenere la loro integrità culturale sembrano detenere anche il potere politico ed economico della città. Questo dato non si evince solo dalle pratiche funerarie ma è ben documentato anche da alcune epigrafi presenti nei settori pubblici della città, dove l’utilizzo dell’osco nelle iscrizioni dedicatorie è un ulteriore forte segnale del potere della compagine italica.Quello che emerge è la presenza di una comunità di individui legati da una medesima origine che, sia nel privato, quindi nella pratica funeraria, sia nel pubblico, afferma e sottolinea la sua appartenenza ad un gruppo etnico. Heii, Modii, Auxii, Antii, Staii pur essendosi avvicinati alla civiltà romana, che sempre di più fa sentire il suo peso in Campania, nel rituale funerario si “latinizzano” pur continuando ad autorappresentarsi fino agli inizi del I secolo alla “maniera osca”.

International audience; Loron (Tar-Vabriga, Croatia) is a large Roman estate implanted near the sea in the early frst century AD on the territory of the colony of Parentium (Poreč). It’s currently the subject of a French-Croatian international program involving the territorial museum of Poreč (Zavičajni Poreštine muzej), the French School of Rome and the research center C. Jullian (Aix-Marseille University - CNRS) with the support of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia and the French Foreign Ministry. Since 1994, the excavations led by an international team have unearthed a large workshop complex mainly dedicated to the production of oil amphoras Dressel 6B for export. This workshop was the property of senators and emperors. It was continuously occupied from the frst century AD to the fourth century AD, before being gradually dismantled, and then completely abandoned in the late ffth century AD. New research conducted on the Loron promontory corresponding to imperial property, have located another Roman residential area - probably the aristocratic villa- without revealing signifcant evidences about the post-antique occupancy of this area. This is why the discovery in 2012 of a male individual burial associated with a small monetary treasure of the late thirteenth century is an atypical funerary context. The tomb itself, a no deep simple grave, was specifcally installed at the corner of a building associated with the amphora workshop. Itconstitutes an isolated context to link with sporadic visits to the coast. Yet the value of currencies associated with deceased contrast to the simplicity of the burial: these are 9 silver coins issued by the Aquileia and Trieste money workshops between 1234-1254 and 1260-1282. These coins were probably gathered in a purse discovered near the basin. The poster presents all burial components (location, architecture, skeleton, material) in relation to the known data on the late Middle Ages Poreč territory occupation and the funerary practice, compared to others similar contexts of isolated medieval burials with coins in Italy.

International audience; In 1949, P. Cintas excavated in the necropolis “of the bank” in Utica the grave of an individual in prone position (grave XXIII). This grave is a pit with raw brick walls, as all the other graves of this site for this period,and whose ceramic material is representative of the material found in the VIIthcentury BC Phoenician graves. In the meantime, the position of the deceased,in procubitus with the elbows tied up in the back, denotes in a context of decubitus positions. Through an actualization of the data of this grave XXIII, we will think about the place of those deceased in prone position within the Phoenician funerary practices. Aside from a different treatment of the body, can other elements, such as architecture or material in the grave, induce a distinction of the deceased? How would the grave XXIII be regarded compared to the collective standard seen in Utica?

International audience; The excavations conducted by the Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana in 2014 at the multistratified site of San Calocero di Albenga, an ancient basilica of the late Antiquity arisen in connection with the burial of a local martyr, have brought to light a deviant burial. The study, through a multidisciplinary approach (archaeological, taphonomic, bioarchaeological, anthropological), outlines the plausible reconstruction of a severely ill person due to scurvy and anemia that, just for the manifestation of such pathologies, disturbed insomuch his community that probably was mistaken for a evil person or possessed by the Devil.That is why the body was laid prone in an isolated grave, deeper than the other.

International audience; Loron (Tar-Vabriga, Croatia) is a large Roman estate implanted near the sea in the early frst century AD on the territory of the colony of Parentium (Poreč). It’s currently the subject of a French-Croatian international program involving the territorial museum of Poreč (Zavičajni Poreštine muzej), the French School of Rome and the research center C. Jullian (Aix-Marseille University - CNRS) with the support of the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia and the French Foreign Ministry. Since 1994, the excavations led by an international team have unearthed a large workshop complex mainly dedicated to the production of oil amphoras Dressel 6B for export. This workshop was the property of senators and emperors. It was continuously occupied from the frst century AD to the fourth century AD, before being gradually dismantled, and then completely abandoned in the late ffth century AD. New research conducted on the Loron promontory corresponding to imperial property, have located another Roman residential area - probably the aristocratic villa- without revealing signifcant evidences about the post-antique occupancy of this area. This is why the discovery in 2012 of a male individual burial associated with a small monetary treasure of the late thirteenth century is an atypical funerary context. The tomb itself, a no deep simple grave, was specifcally installed at the corner of a building associated with the amphora workshop. Itconstitutes an isolated context to link with sporadic visits to the coast. Yet the value of currencies associated with deceased contrast to the simplicity of the burial: these are 9 silver coins issued by the Aquileia and Trieste money workshops between 1234-1254 and 1260-1282. These coins were probably gathered in a purse discovered near the basin. The poster presents all burial components (location, architecture, skeleton, material) in relation to the known data on the late Middle Ages Poreč territory occupation and the funerary practice, compared to others similar contexts of isolated medieval burials with coins in Italy.

International audience

Publié dans les "Atti dell'Incontro Internazionale di studi in onore di Claude Levi- Strauss" de Rome (Museo Preistorico Etnografico "Luigi Pigorini") du 21 Maggio 2010