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The article explores the nature of the diplomatic relationship between China and the European Union (EU). Chinese policy to improve its partnership with Europe is a preemptive move to protect it against the U.S., and to gain support for its modernization efforts. The extent of the multilateral cooperation in the Sino-European relationship, role of the Shanghai Cooperative Organization (SCO) to find common ground with the EU, and the objectives of EU in Central Asia are tackled.

The article reports on the tourism potential of the Altai Mountainous Area (Big Altai), a territory shared by Russia, China, Mongolia, and Kazakhstan, as of 2014. Topics discussed include the area's unique natural attractions and cultural monuments of different epochs, and the use of geographic information system (GIS) spatial analysis tools to assess the natural tourist attractiveness of the region. Also noted is the planned use of the methodology in other parts of the Big Altai.

The author discusses the factors that have resulted in certain tensions arising within the special "Pauk-Phaw" (a Burmese term denoting kinship) relationship between China and Myanmar in the 21st century. These include the November 2010 general elections held in Myanmar and the suspension of China Power Investment Corp.'s Mytisone dam project. However, he believes that these tensions need not signal the end of the comprehensive special cooperative partnership between the two countries.

The article discusses the developments in the competition between China and India as key players in South Asia. The economic relationship between China and India had a revival in the 1980s using the Joint Study Group, Joint Working Group and Joint-Business Council as framework for cooperation. The highlights of the China-India War, the foreign relations of China with other Central and South Asian countries like Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bhutan, and strategies open for India are tackled.

The article deals with the cyber warfare initiated by China, the entities involved and its impact on the U.S.-China relations. The beginnings of the cyber warfare concept in China, its use as an essential means to increase in Chinese global power, the role of the People's Liberation Army and the Chinese Hacker Community are discussed. Information on the Chinese cyber attack on the U.S and efforts of the U.S. to protect its Intellectual Property (IP) and military operations are also examined.

The article traces the Muslim and Chinese records to find evidence whether Tibet was an independent state or was part of China. Description of Tibetan culture, its isolation and relations with traders, are given. The Perso-Arabic records do not give details of the Tibetan society but highlights the Yamanis conquest, the beauty of the area, and its deer musk are given. The conclusion that the Muslim records implies that Tibet was an independent country is given.

The article discusses the political and diplomatic ties between Afghanistan and China from the 1950s to the 21st century. The period of 1950s to 1979 saw the aim of King Amanullah to strengthen relations with China on an economic standpoint. Highlights of the other period include the Treaty on Non-aggression, Agreement on the Exchange of Goods and Payments, the conflict between 1979 and 1992, and the dual policy from 1992 to 2001.

The article examines the strong political relationship between Pakistan and China. A discussion of the realist theory on international politics by Hans J. Morgenthau is used to explain why China and Pakistan developed a mutual and strategic cooperation. The beginnings of the China-Pakistan relations, the Pakistani's stand on the Sino-Indian border dispute, and the Sino-Pakistan border agreement are provided. Other symbols of friendship include the Karakoram Highway and the Gwadar port.

The article discusses the developments in the relations between China and Myanmar. The strategic location of Myanmar makes it a vital passageway between China and India. The role of China in Myanmar's progress is being affected by the increasing influence of the West, particularly of the U.S. Issues such as those pertaining to the Myitsone Dame and Letpadaung Mine, Myanmar's strategy to be less dependent on China, and China's continued role as arms supplier for Myanmar, are examined.

The article focuses on the border dispute between China and India. A background of the incident in the Daulat Beg Oldi sector that happened on April 15, 2013 is narrated. The perception and sentiments of the Ladakhis, the people living at the Line of Control (LAC), include the proposal to reopen the old trade route through Demchok to Kailash Mansarovar. The proposed Border Defence Management Agreement, the infrastructure set-up by India and China, and the future of the Ladakhis are tackled.

The article examines the strategies employed for managing the Chinese yuan. There are three mains factors to consider when evaluating the national currency. These factors are the government-driven nature of the currency, the use of yuan as the legal tender only in mainland China, and its viability as an international currency. Topics discussed include the international promotion of the Chinese yuan, its increasing use in global trade and its inclusion in the special drawing rights (SDR) basket.

The article analyzes the political developments in China and how it will evolve in the 21st century. Although the party has always been called Chinese Communist Party (CCP), changes in the style of governance has been observed. Expectations from the fifth generation leadership from the 18th National Congress of CCP is described. The hope for a jasmine revolution, results of protests action such as that in Wukan village, and the belief that Western democracy is not suited for China is explored.

The article discusses the economic, social and political impacts of the cooperation between China and Pakistan on the regions of Xinjiang and the Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) since 1963. Topics covered include the economic and social instability in GB caused by the increasing Chinese interference in local affairs, the cross-regional barter trade, and the rise of separatists movements. The agreements signed by the countries in 2005 and 2006 for fighting terrorism, separatism and extremism are detailed.

The article discusses the response of the international community, such as the European Union (EU), U.S., Russia, the Muslim world, Central Asian Republics and India, to the Uyghur separatism in Xinjiang, China. The Uyghur separatism has reportedly turned into violent terrorist activities in the post-Cold War period which have resulted to the loss of lives and public property. The EU has little interest in the Uyghur problem because China is a major investor in Europe. The U.S. has decided not to actively support the cause of Uyghurs in Xinjiang.

The article discusses the highlights of the International Seminar on Xinjiang in the 21st Century which was held on March 3-4, 2010 at the School of International Studies (SIS) in Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi,India. The welcome address was given by Professor K. Warikoo, director of the Central Asian Studies Programme of SIS, who focused on the importance of Xinjiang and historic connection of India with the region. An overview of the Central Asian studies was also given by Professor R. Kumar.

The article discusses the historical legacy of the Mongols in Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) of the People's Republic of China. The majority of Mongols in the world usually lives in Mongolia proper and mostly belong to the Khalkha tribe. Those Mongols living outside Mongolia are located in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region of China with a population of 4.2 million. The Mongols of Xinjiang form a minority and are the primary descendants of the Oirat Mongols. The population of Mongols in Xinjiang in 2003 is 169,900.

The article discusses Bangladesh-China relations. China and Bangladesh have become partners since China officially recognized Bangladesh on October 4, 1975. Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's visit in April 2005 signaled the completion of 30 years of official relationship between China and Bangladesh. Bangladesh-China trade totaled 3.2 billion U.S. dollars in 2006, making Bangladesh the third biggest trading partner of China in South Asia. Policies being maintained by China are listed.

The article presents an analysis on the impact of Tibetan unrest in March 2008 and the response of India to such unrest. It says that the Tibetan unrest emphasized the need for China to engage the Dalai Lama in looking for a peaceful and negotiated solution of the said problem. It mentions that India responded to China's sensitivites with restraint and caution during and after the unrest, even though there has been no change in India's Tibet policy in the aftermath of the Tibetan tangle.

The article discusses the study of "Pramanavarttika," which is regarded as a significant text on Paramana. It says that the study of "Pramanavarttika" has earned popularity, considering that scholars have chosen "Pramanavarttika" as a main work instead of a mere commentary on the Paramanasamuccya. Meanwhile, commentators in Tibet, China who provided commentaries on the "Pramanavarttika" of Acharya Dharmakirti are identified, including Ren mda-wa, RGyal-tsab rje, and Pan-chen bsod-grags.

The article focuses on the social and economic influences which affect Tibetan Buddhism in China. It states that social and economic changes in China have resulted in the need for Buddhist monasteries to promulgate administrative arrangements. It also says that the administration of the Democratic Committee of Monastic Administration gave monks and nuns a sense of citizenship. Moreover, it tells that the monastic reform gave monasteries a social force equal with the government.

The article offers information on environmental degradation in Xinjian Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) in China. It states that this location is one of the most arid areas in the People's Republic of China (PRC). The overexploitation of water, soil, and biological resources have caused irreparable effect to the development of sustainable agriculture in this region.

The article focuses on the foreign policy of Russia which prioritizes its relationship with China and India. It mentions that political and economic cooperation between Moscow and Delhi is the focus of new foreign policy doctrine. It appeals for a trilateral cooperation with the two nations and allots greater value in strengthening the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). It also states that the political and strategic interests of Russia and India meet the major complimentary issues.