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This paper introduces Mahāyāna Buddhist medicine into the contemporary international relations (IR) literature. In this paper, we will elucidate the perception towards subjectivity and relationalit...

The severity of climatic effects of a regional nuclear conflict between India and Pakistan, involving the use of a hundred Hiroshima-scale nuclear weapons, is contested between two groups; Mills et al. from the National Center for Atmospheric Research (NCAR), University of Colorado, and Rutgers University conclude that a global Nuclear Winter would occur; Reisner et al. from Los Alamos National Laboratory (LANL) conclude that No Nuclear Winter would occur. This paper discusses the different assumptions that lead to the two different conclusions. Specifically, it highlights the use of different fuel loading and different input methods for the amount and initial location of black carbon (BC) into the climate models, and discusses some underlying reasons for these different choices, including the question of what kind of fire will occur in the aftermath of a nuclear weapon being dropped on a densely populated city. The paper also briefly discusses some physical phenomena that have not been considered by either group and lays out some questions for research before any definitive conclusion about the climatic effects of a limited nuclear war can be reached. However, until these problems are resolved, from a disarmament point of view, the precautionary principle is, in situations of such high stakes involving millions of deaths, there is an obligation to assume a worst-case scenario. Such a scenario would include the possibility that a limited nuclear conflict could cause a Nuclear Winter by leading to a broader nuclear conflict.

This paper takes a high level look at the potential long term implications of the Covid 19 crisis in East Asia by using the demographic lens to examine three areas: impacts on labor markets, possible mass migration scenarios, and the effect on regional militaries. In the area of labor markets, the paper argues that Covid will compel most East Asian states to find new ways of utilizing their older workers and to increase the flexibility of their labor markets. In the area of mass migration, the paper examines possible scenarios having to do with North Korean state collapse and urban-rural migration trends in China. Finally, in the military sphere, the paper argues that the Covid crisis could significantly affect nuclear weapons security protocols in the region, the manpower and personnel policies of certain militaries, and the frequency, scope, and size of major exercises. © 2021 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group on behalf of the Nagasaki University.

This study was conducted to discuss the role of urban governments in the future, including intercity network construction, by reviewing cases of responding to COVID-19 in Seoul amid changes in the international situation caused by COVID-19. This paper is organized into four sections. First, this paper described the outbreak of COVID-19 in Seoul from January to August 2020 and the responses of the Seoul Metropolitan Government over time. over time. Second, the background of Alliance for Multilateralism and inter-city cooperation in accordance with the changes in the international situation due to COVID-19 was explained. Third, the response of the Seoul Metropolitan Government to the pandemic was reviewed based on the following four characteristics: (i) Social distancing;(ii) Enhanced contact tracing;(iii) Widespread testing;and, (iv) Early preparation. Finally, this paper reviewed how Seoul city cooperated with overseas cities in order to overcome the pandemic crisis, as well as the cases in which 25 autonomous districts of Seoul shared their policies using the Healthy Cities Network. © 2021 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group on behalf of the Nagasaki University.

International migration has a consistently high profile within national and international politics with increased focus on measurement and quantification of migrant numbers, impact on services and contribution to local, regional and national economies. However, the absence of consistency within definitions, categorisations and measurement of international migration and migrant populations create challenges and barriers to both understanding the needs of migrant communities but also the provision of adequate services within specific geographical areas. This paper will present findings from a project designed to map the impact of migration on a settled community within a Local Authority (LA) in the North East of England. As the project encountered routine inconsistencies around definitions, categorisations and measurement of migration within the LA area, this paper demonstrates the complexity of trying to ‘measure’ migration on the ground and while consistency in measurement is key to accurate data, we conclude with an ethical question about the rationale for collecting data on migrant populations.

In International Relations, “Central Asia” and “power” are often linked to either Great Power politics or authoritarianism. Yet, as “power” is a multifaceted component of social life, this paper suggests a comprehensive framework to analyze its different understandings and operations in the region. By adopting the typology of Michael Barnett and Raymond Duvall, the paper has three aims. First, to review the recent literature on power and Central Asia showing that “power” is a pervasive but undertheorized concept. Second, to broaden the understanding of “power” in the region. Third, to encourage reflexivity when it comes to power analysis. Postprint

Reflecting the wider belief that international tourism offers the opportunity to encourage peace and understanding amongst peoples and nations, one objective of Japan’s recent tourism development policy is the enhancement of mutual understanding and the promotion of international peace. The purpose of this paper is to consider the extent to which this objective is achievable, particularly in the context of continuing controversy surrounding the country’s confrontation of its twentieth century military heritage in general and its role in the Pacific War in particular. Based on research at two ‘difficult’ heritage sites, Chiran Peace Museum in Kagoshima Prefecture and Yūshūkan War Museum in Tokyo, it explores specifically how the kamikaze phenomenon is commemorated and interpreted for international visitors, in so doing revealing a significant degree of dissonance at both sites. Not only is a selective narrative of heroic sacrifice presented within a wider revisionist history of the Pacific War but also no attempt is made to acknowledge the prevailing cultural context that might underpin a more nuanced understanding of the kamikaze. Hence, the paper concludes that a meaningful opportunity to enhance international understanding has been missed.

This paper proves that automatic translation of multilingual newspaper documents deters neither human nor computer classification of political concepts. We show how theory-driven coding of newspaper text can be automated in several languages by monolingual researchers. Supervised machine learning is successfully applied to text in English from British, Spanish and German sources. The paper has three main findings. First, results from human coding directly in a foreign language do not differ from coding computer-translated text. Second, humans can code translated text as well as they can code untranslated prose in their mother tongue. Third, machine learning based on translated Spanish and German training sets can reproduce human coding as accurately as a system learning from English training sets.

This paper introduces the topic of military wargaming into current critical debates in International Relations (IR) on games and gaming, which to date have focused on civilian, recreational forms. Identifying a renaissance which began in the US in 2014, the core argument developed is that wargaming utilizes key elements of critical/postpositivist theory in its interventions into the ‘human training dimension’ with the aim of impacting upon the inner domain of players in promotion of military ends. Drawing on Eyal Weizman’s work, the paper makes two key claims: 1) Wargaming poses a profound methodological and epistemological challenge to the quantitatively-oriented Operations Research (OR) community which has dominated DoD analysis for nearly a century. 2) By decoupling critical/postpositivist traditions from their intended ends, using them instead to impact upon players, wargaming militarizes them. The paper begins by locating the origins of the wargaming renaissance in the Defence Innovation Initiative and associated Third Offset Strategy. It then shows how US military gaming intervenes at the level of the human training dimension by cultivating specific forms of critical thinking, multiple futures planning, and reflexive decision-making using distinctively critical/postpositivist insights. From there it sets out three key challenges posed by wargaming to OR which trouble the latter’s claims to prediction, objectivity, and rationalism, before concluding that a new form of ‘post-quantitative defence analysis’ is emergent which militarizes the tools of critical/postpositivist approaches.

Background Analyzing North Korea is essential for examining international relations in East Asia as a whole, but North Korea’s tight control over information makes this difficult. Another factor complicating analysis of North Korea is its “special relationship” with China. Purpose The aim of this paper is to examine four factors contributing to the “special relationship” between China and North Korea, how that relationship came about, and how it functions within the context of international politics today. Main Argument This paper is a structural analysis of China–North Korea relations that describes four factors behind their “special relationship.” It continues by analyzing China–North Korea relations under Xi Jinping and Kim Jong-un up to the deployment of THAAD in South Korea. Conclusion The “special relationship” between China and North Korea is based on four factors. What is distinctive about these factors is that they can bring the two sides together but also push them apart. In terms of national security issues, the force bringing them together has ultimately prevailed. Socialist ideology issues have surfaced much less frequently now and have lost their capacity to both bring the two together and push them apart. In the area of traditional ties, the two leaders are attempting to use their personal relationship to have closer relations, but this is not having much lasting effect. Where economic relations are concerned, Beijing and Pyongyang have become even more dependent on each other and this is a strong force pushing them closer together.

Carving up the world into Global North and Global South has become an established way of thinking about global difference since the end of the Cold War. This binary, however, erases what this paper calls the Global East–those countries and societies that occupy an interstitial position between North and South. This paper problematises the geopolitics of knowledge that has resulted in the exclusion of the Global East, not just from the Global North and South, but from notions of globality in general. It argues that we need to adopt a strategic essentialism to recover the Global East for scholarship. To that end, it traces the global relations of IKEA’s bevelled drinking glass to demonstrate the urgency of rethinking the Global East at the heart of global connections, rather than separate from them. Thinking of such a Global East as a liminal space complicates the notions of North and South towards more inclusive but also more uncertain theorising. © 2018, © 2018 Martin Müller. Published with license by Taylor & Francis. Schweizerischer Nationalfonds zur Förderung der Wissenschaftlichen Forschung, SNSF: PP00P1_144699 This work was supported by the Swiss National Science Foundation [PP00P1_144699]. This paper is the second in a tetralogy of papers. The other papers are Goodbye Postsocialism! (M?ller 2019), Theorising with the Global East and How global is global urbanism? How we theorised from the South but forgot about the East. In its various forms this paper has profited from a number of engaged audiences in Vel?k? Lomnica in September 2016, Leipzig in November 2016, Boston in April 2017, Ekaterinburg and M?nster (Valais) in August 2017, Kyiv in September 2017, and Z?rich in February 2018. Thank you to Elena Trubina and Carolin Schurr for incisive comments and to the reviewers and editors of Geopolitics who helped shape this paper.

This paper critically evaluates ‘one size fits all’ characterisations of African states in the context of diverse change in Africa. It provides an original critique of Frederick Cooper’s gatekeeper states concept based on a novel application of the theory of uneven and combined development. The theory draws attention to the unevenness of development across the international system, the production of multiple, combined forms of state, and points to an expectation of heterogeneity among ‘later developing’ countries, questioning generalised characterisations of ‘African’ states as a sui generis category of state. The paper argues that Frederick Cooper’s concept of the ‘gatekeeper state’ sits close to, though not entirely within, this pattern. This careful application of theory shows that while there are strong synergies between Cooper’s empirical account of state formation and developmental processes highlighted by the theory, there is greater divergence over the question of heterogeneity. The paper argues that uneven and combined development helps to reveal the limits of ‘one-size fits all’ approaches and the potential for a broader theoretical grounding to Cooper’s gatekeeper concept. In doing so it provides an important corrective to donor assumptions of general failings of African states and uniform policy prescriptions with which to address them.

This paper explores the middle power identities of Australia and South Korea during the Kevin Rudd/Julia Gillard (2007–2013) and Lee Myung-bak (2008–2013) administrations. Considering the problems in the existing position, behaviour, impact and identity-based definitions of middle powers, examining how self-identified middle powers have constructed such an identity would offer useful insights into the middle power concept. Relying on a framework that captures an identity's content and contestation, this paper argues that while Australia and South Korea have assumed a middle power identity, their visualisations of this identity are slightly different. Australia has understood its middle power identity in both economic and security terms, whereas South Korea appears to have connected such an identity more with the economic dimension. These differences affect how they envision their respective middle power roles in international affairs. Accepted version

This paper is a review of scholarship found in the pages of The Pacific Review over the last 30 years. It does so in three ways: (1) it highlights issues in the theory and practice of the international relations, strategic studies, political culture and political economy of the Asia Pacific region. (2) It looks at change in the region over time by an analysis of the shifting fortunes of the major regional powers, namely Japan, China and Indonesia and the challenges they, and China in particular, post to US regional hegemony. (3) It looks at regional process reflected in the fate and fortunes of the regional integrative project in the key policy domains of trade, finance and the environment. The paper concludes with a reflection on the strains on the regional political and economic orders by the rise in nationalist politics.

This paper analyses how the government of Qatar has over the last years used practices of cultural diplomacy to enhance its standing abroad, and consolidate its legitimacy at home. Looking in particular at key initiatives of international collaboration of the Qatar Foundation and Qatar Museums, I argue that the Qatari government strategically uses cultural diplomacy to first produce and then disseminate an elite identity narrative of Qatar being a cohesive, future-oriented and rightfully engaged player in international affairs both inside and outside the state. To develop this argument, the analysis builds on observation during fieldwork in Doha between 2015 and 2016, and is enriched by a textual analysis of primary and secondary sources. As a timely contribution, the paper moreover shows that even in the light of considerable economic downturn, where budgets are cut and state-projects downsized, official narratives about Qatar’s global cultural ambitions have so far remained largely unchanged. Postprint

Contemporary international relations are rife with the ideological struggle over the potential nature of the rapidly changing world order. Two distinct paradigmatic positions have surfaced. One champions economic, cultural, and political globalization conducted under the leadership of the Western world. The other advocates a more particularistic approach that fends for a balance of interests, multiplicity of politico-cultural forms and multiple centers of international influence. The latter doctrine, often referred to as the multipolar world theory, is the subject of this paper. The discussion argues that the idea of a multipolar world order has emerged as Russia’s main ethical and ideological position advanced in the international arena. Its philosophical tenets buttress Russian society intellectually at home, providing the expedients to pursue the country’s foreign policy goals abroad. The paper examines a substantial value package with roots in both Russian and Western philosophy that sustains ...

This paper shows that contemporary political reasoning and action in the context of modern terrorism derives from moral arguments that are seriously flawed. Those arguments are built on a simplistic understanding of terrorism and exclusively adhere to ‘conventional’ act-based ethical, for example, deontological or utilitarian, frameworks for morally assessing the political reality of terrorism and counter-terrorism. As a result, political reasoning and counter-terrorism action fail to take into account certain indispensable morally relevant features of terrorism. It will be argued in this paper that contemporary approaches are therefore unable to grasp the (moral) complexity of the terrorist phenomenon what ultimately leads to political paralysis in the domain of counter-terrorism action. In order to be able to include a more extended notion of morally relevant features of terrorism in an understanding of terrorism and consequently in its moral assessment, this paper develops an alternative ethica...

Throughout the Cold War, Italy was one of the most steadfast NATO allies in hosting American nuclear weapons on its territory. Such a policy could easily be construed as an example of almost automatic confidence in the US nuclear umbrella, yet only on the surface did extended deterrence appease Italian anxieties about the uncertainties of the American nuclear guarantee. The Italian rationale for accepting a large array of US nuclear weapon s did as a matter of fact involve a complex mix of reasons, ranging from trying to ensure that the Italian government would be consulted in the event of a major crisis, to willingness to enhance the country’s profile inside any Western multilateral fora. The paper will investigate this policy by looking at how the Italian government behaved at the height of the NATO nuclear sharing debate, between 1957 and 1962, arguably one of the historical moments in the Cold War when the concept of extended deterrence was most intensely discussed. Drawing upon hitherto classified archival sources as well as on some less-known public ones, the paper will show how Italian diplomats, military leaders and policymakers understood the dangers and political implications of US nuclear policies. It will, hopefully, demonstrate that Italy’s persistent search for a multilateral solution to the nuclearisation of NATO strategy shows that Italy never saw extended deterrence as a solution per se, but only as a temporary means to an end.

Rarely does the death of animals cause conflict between governments. However, the killing of some animals, such as seals, wolves, and other exotic wildlife, can cause heated conflict over whether the act of killing is itself justifiable. This paper provides an overview of a recent disagreement along these lines: between the EU and Sweden over the management of wolves. It juxtaposes the recent politicalization of the wolf hunt with an overview of two very different moral frameworks that humans use to conceive of the value of animals. This paper argues that these two moral frameworks share in employing a human-centrism which consequently restricts how the issue of justice can be introduced into policy discussions regarding the treatment of animals. However, the primary assertion made here is that while these two frameworks are constituted by speciesism, they represent two different positions which as is illustrated by the debate surrounding the justifiability of the wolf hunt, provide very different...

This paper argues the importance of integrating power considerations into the study of the communities of practice in European studies and International Relations. Since its introduction, the ‘community of practice’ concept has been criticised for implying overly consensual relations of its members. Notably, the concept has been criticised for underplaying the relations of power affecting the structure and processes of the communities of practice. Drawing on this critique, this paper offers a framework for integrating the considerations of power into the study of the communities of practice in European studies and International Relations. The argument is illustrated with the case of crisis early warning systems, following the European Union’s initiative to integrate them at the global level. While the case analysis mainly serves the purpose of probing the suitability of the theoretical framework, it offers insights into some of the power-related challenges facing the community of crisis early warning practitioners.

This paper examines the confluence of global, regional, and national politics in the lead up to the 1991 Pan-American Games hosted by Cuba. Cuba’s contentious selection as host was wholly underpinned by the international politics of the time. Once selected, the preparations for the Games in Havana were surrounded by an unprecedented domestic economic crisis fueled by shifts in global politics. This paper analyzes how international politics informed the hosting of the 1991 Pan-American Games, and shaped the political challenge the Cuban government faced in hosting such an event. The Revolution’s use of sport domestically and internationally came to the forefront in its efforts as host and the results of those efforts proved to be providential given the emerging political economic contexts during and in the ensuing years after the Games.

The economic rise of developing Asia has given impetus to debates over the geographic orientation, strategy, organisation, and collaborative relationships of the Australian aid programme. This paper examines these debates, Australian government responses, and the politics underlying these responses. It points to, among things, the different ways in which the Labor Party and the Liberal–National Coalition have dealt with these issues, reflecting their different constituencies and foreign policy philosophies. The paper also assesses the future trajectory of Australian aid policy, in particular, the extent to which it is embracing the Chinese model of aid.

This paper examines the legitimacy of NGOs in the context of international politics. Legitimacy is increasingly associated with NGOs in the role of political actors on a global stage. However, conceptualisation of NGO legitimacy is unclear in the literature. The paper proposes four legitimacy models to clarify how their legitimacy is theorised: the market model, the social change model, the new institutionalism model, and the critical model. The paper's argument is that the models represent four different schools of thought on NGO legitimacy each with a different understanding of NGOs’ role in the international system. Each model is discussed based on the theoretical premises they adapt, the legitimacy criteria and the arguments this generates, and the conclusions they make about the legitimate role of NGOs at the international level. The models provide a heuristic starting point for exploring how NGOs can be theorised as legitimate (rightful and credible) actors in international structures.

The International Relations discipline (IR) is known as an ‘American Social Science’ dominated by scholars and theories from the US core. This paper compares IR in two non-core settings, China and Europe. It shows that there is a growing institutional and intellectual integration into the global Anglophone, mostly American, IR in both Europe and China. Both Chinese and European IR communities have established top Anglophone journals like the European Journal of International Relations and the Chinese Journal of International Politics to spearhead their integration into mainstream Anglophone IR and carve out a space for regional thinking. Yet, the analysis of their publication and citation patterns shows that IR outside the American core communicates like a hub-and-spokes system where there is always a connection to American core but rarely very strong linkages to other peripheral regions. The two journals studied thus function as outlets for ‘local’ and American, rely on ‘local’ and American sources, and there is very little integration and exchange between Chinese and European IR. Chinese and European IR would benefit from such dialogue, especially regarding ‘schools’ of IR at the margins of an ‘American social science’. The international relations (IR) discipline is known as an ‘American Social Science’ dominated by scholars and theories from the US core. This paper compares IR in two noncore settings, China and Europe. It shows that there is a growing institutional and intellectual integration into global Anglophone, mostly American, IR in both Europe and China. Both Chinese and European IR communities have established top Anglophone journals like the European Journal of International Relations and the Chinese Journal of International Politics to spearhead their integration into mainstream Anglophone IR and carve out a space for regional thinking. Yet, the analysis of their publication and citation patterns shows that IR outside the American core communicates through a hub-and-spokes system where there is always a connection to the American core but rarely very strong linkages to other peripheral regions. The two journals studied thus function as outlets for ‘local’ and American scholars, rely on ‘local’ and American sources, and there is very little integration and exchange between Chinese and European IR. Chinese and European IR would benefit from such a dialogue, especially regarding ‘schools’ of IR at the margins of an ‘American social science’.

The paper examines David Armitage's claim that Locke makes an important contribution to international theory by exploring the place of international relations within the Two Treatises of Government. Armitage's suggestion is that the place of international theory in Locke's canonical works is under-explored. In particular, the paper examines the implication of Locke's account of the executive power of the law of nature which allows third parties to punish breaches of the law of nature wherever they occur. The corollary is a general right of intervention under the law of nature. Such a right could create a chaotic individualistic cosmopolitanism and has led scholars such as John Rawls to claim that Locke has no international theory. In response to this problem the paper explores the way in which Locke's discussion of conquest, revolution and the right of peoples to determine the conditions of good government in chapters xvi to xix of the second Treatise contributes to a view of international relations that embodies a law of peoples.

This paper describes the opportunities and challenges encountered in formulating and implementing strategies for assessing universally required competencies and mission-specific competencies in a large public affairs school with five MPA programs and one Master of International Affairs (MIA) program. The paper analyzes the building blocks in assessing competencies, from defining, identifying, and developing and revising evaluative tools, to the efforts in and approaches for engaging different stakeholders. This analysis identifies the significance of investing time in the developmental stage and highlights the difficulties encountered in reaching consensus, especially on when and how learning should be evaluated and from whose perspective. The paper proposes, however, that the field should continue to move toward agreement about methods for assessing program effectiveness within and beyond individual schools, in order to move away from this impasse and help promote results that are usable at diver...

This paper shows the relationship between regime and dependency theories. Its central argument is that international regimes primarily serve the accumulation interests of metropolitan capitalism, and hence perpetuate dependency. Using the case of the apparel industry in sub-Saharan Africa, it brings to the fore both the dependency and struggle in international regimes that mainstream regime theory masks. The paper concludes that, in its struggle to embed industry, Africa will need to clearly interpret the parameters of a more complex international political economy than that described in the classic dependency literature of the 1970s, and respond to them with cleverness and alacrity.

In its purest essence, the European Union (EU) is a political project with a commitment to reaching a finalite politique of a federal Europe. The paper focuses on EU grand strategy with special reference to defense cooperation in Europe in a transatlantic context. The paper analyzes the prospects for an EU strategy in the defense field and also looks at ways to explain this using suitable theoretical lenses as frameworks for analysis, including concepts drawn from the fields of comparative strategy and international relations. The EU is a political project and the paper will also ask how far the defense field is a necessary and contingent part of the drive toward political union in Europe and what this tells us about the prospects for an EU grand strategy in a transatlantic context. The paper will, in particular, focus on a series of case studies to analyze the prospects for a coherent EU politico-military culture, how such a culture operates, and what it means for EU grand strategy in a transatlantic con...

Although Justin Rosenberg's academic writings have from the very beginning attempted to provide an alternative to neorealism in the form of Trotsky's theory of uneven and combined development (U&CD), his attempts at actually replacing it with a general theory of his own have been relatively recent. His initial attempts raised much interest and several responses. In his latest paper, ‘Basic problems in the theory of uneven and combined development, part II: unevenness and political multiplicity’ (Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 23:1, 2010, 165–189), Rosenberg acknowledges that in actual fact, despite his attempts to provide an alternative to neorealism, his own theory presupposed political multiplicity, and therefore in his latest article he has sought to rectify this by providing an account of the emergence of ‘politically fragmented space’ which is explicitly grounded in historical materialism (Pozo-Martin, Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 20:4, 2007, 554). As such, it is to be welcomed. However, this article argues that if we are to accept Rosenberg's theory of the emergence of multiplicity then it must provide a better explanation than other competing accounts. By using an alternative explanation of the rise of the international, this article demonstrates that Rosenberg's paper has failed to do this, and instead argues for the existence of a transhistorical anarchic environment arising from social rather than political multiplicity. However, U&CD is then used to explain both the intra- and inter-societal stratifications (the latter in terms of distributional structure) that arise. Associated with these stratifications is the inextricable intertwining of the modes of production and modes of inter-state competition. From this combination emerges the general tendencies of societal development, which then need to be applied to the concrete circumstances of history. In so doing, we need to account for the different analytical registers of genesis, structure, epoch and conjuncture and the unique concatenation of factors that pertain for each of these (Callinicos, International Politics, 6:3, 2005, 362).

This paper analyses contemporary non-Western engagement with Africa through the lens of the second most significant, but surprisingly neglected, ‘Asian driver’ – India. Much of the literature on India's renewed interest in Africa is panoramic, highlighting concepts of ‘South–South’ cooperation in ways relatively uncritical of continued Indian claims to the Nehruvian moral high ground in the developing world. This article, by contrast, focuses on critical realities of India's relations with a single country – Kenya, a nation with which India has had ostensibly close links due to the historic presence of South Asian communities in the region. It critiques notions that ‘diasporic’ ties between India and Kenya facilitate contemporary Indian economic ambitions. Rather, the paper argues, fractious historical race relations in Kenya, and the cynosure of ‘African’ homogenisation of ‘Asians’ within an ‘ethnicised’ post-colonial political economy, might partially impede Indian ambitions relative to capital-rich for...

Beginning from the Teaching, Research, and International Politics (TRIP) survey, this paper outlines the most important emerging paradigm in international political economy (IPE), known as open economy politics (OEP). This approach forms the core of the ‘American’ school of IPE. The paper then contrasts the epistemology of OEP, based on partial equilibrium analysis, with that of the ‘British’ school of IPE, which favors a more holistic approach. This difference is not captured well in the TRIP survey, nor is it particularly well understood by many proponents of either side. Recognizing the progressive nature of the OEP research program, the essay concludes with a call to bridge but not necessarily to abolish the transatlantic divide.

Little research has examined public diplomacy as a comparative education issue, particularly regarding social‐psychological, economic and political fears or personal and national insecurities. This paper discusses American public diplomacy as a mostly Cold War strategy adapted to post‐9/11 national security interests, fears and desires. It further explores differences, similarities, and debates in Canadian media, policy documents and academia, in response to American political, economic and military pressures or demands for a ‘North American’ (i.e. joint American–Canadian) security approach. From a critical pedagogy perspective the paper argues that modern public diplomacy has been a dubious, pseudo‐educational, fear‐mongering concept nurtured by academics, politicians and military leaders as part of an American foreign policy, military security and propaganda strategy. The paper further shows that post‐9/11 Canada, problematically, adapted its own public diplomacy policies to serve American interests. Fu...

The EU claims that its free trade agreements with regional organisations of developing countries can promote the respective regions' integration into the world economy. Taking as case studies EU negotiations with the Southern African Development Community and Mercosur, the paper argues that the EU and its partners have different conceptions of integration into the world economy. For the EU the latter simply means multilateral trade liberalisation under the wto, while, for its partners, it involves increasing industrial production and exports of manufactured products. If the latter notion is accepted, an fta with the EU should increase European foreign direct investment into the region or at least increase their trade surpluses, thus increasing the resources available for support of local firms. The paper argues that an fta with the EU will not be likely to produce these results; thus the fta will simply be an instrument to promote market access for EU firms.

International audience; This paper examines the determining role of nuclear hazards in the emergence of a new category of risks—‘global risks'. It retraces how an international structure for expertise and regulation of these risks was constructed as a result of American foreign policy, international relations in the context of the Cold War, public mobilization against nuclear weapons, criticism and demands for ‘social measures' as well as scientific research interests and professional legitimatization. By focusing on the role of scientists in this process, this paper aims to discuss the political and social role of these regulatory activities.

Recent years have seen a plethora of writings—by scholars, journalists and policy makers alike—on India's rise to power. This paper argues that this much-vaunted rise needs to be viewed with caution. It examines the case for India's rise, and operationalises its growing influence by applying and further developing the concept of ‘veto-player’. It highlights ways in which India has indeed acquired the status of a de facto veto-player in international relations. But the paper then presents three sets of reasons for caution. First, even though India's rise to power might appear dramatic and sudden, it is a product of a long and incremental process. This has policy implications: not all the policies of the preceding era should be carelessly abandoned by India or by other developing countries in similar circumstances. Second, there are still significant hurdles—many of which are domestic—that it must overcome if it is to fully realise its potential and acquire the status of a great power. Third, India...

Warlords are increasingly significant actors in domestic and international politics. Yet, our understanding of them is often one-sided – based on either the ‘greed’ or ‘grievance’ approach. This paper seeks to mend this deficiency through a detailed and holistic conceptual analysis of warlords, which integrates political, economic, military, and social aspects of warlord organisations. It begins with an overview of past efforts to define and analyse warlords and then explores the features of warlord organisation. Borrowing from theoretical accounts of states by authors such as Weber and Schmitt, the paper examines the relationship between the warlord and his fighters, the warlord organisation as a political community, the nature of warlord governance and command, as well as motivational and logistical factors in perpetuating the warlord organisation.

This paper seeks to contribute to a number of debates that have attracted scholarly attention over the last few years. Firstly, by examining the experiences of the Swiss foreign intelligence service, the paper takes issue with what one scholar has dubbed 'intelligence history snobbery'; a process that has privileged the study of the major powers and overlooked the contribution made to the secret world by the intelligence agencies of small states. Secondly, the paper explores the extent to which a state's engagement in the secret world is affected by its preconceived ideas over its place and standing in the international community. It asks whether the behaviour of a neutral foreign intelligence service is likely to differ from that of any other 'small' state, and whether neutrals can be both honest brokers in international affairs, and earnest players in the field of secret intelligence. The final section of the paper looks at the impact of the end of the Cold War and the emerging 'global war on terror' on the shape of the Swiss intelligence community.

This paper looks at the development of British government policy towards Iraq in the run up to and during the war of 2003 with particular focus on the territorial borders of Iraq. The paper argues that, in contrast to what we might expect from the perspective of classical geopolitics, the issue of the location of Iraq's borders was largely taken for granted by the UK government. The territorial integrity of Iraq was repeatedly asserted by British ministers, including the Prime Minister, Tony Blair. However, the paper suggests that this disguises an important and potentially significant challenge to the role that territorial borders played in the Iraq crisis and conflict, and this is connected to wider changes in thinking about territorial borders in international politics that have characterised the Labour government's foreign policy thinking. This challenge sees territorial borders' significance more in terms of the nature of the regime they help to delimit than the geopolitical significance of their location. Also, the respect to be given to those borders is significantly influenced by the willingness and ability of that regime to contribute to dominant political and politico-economic agendas, including democracy, human rights, counter-terrorism and economic liberalisation. It is argued that policy towards Iraq demonstrates effectively this distinctive approach developed by the UK government, and points to weaknesses as well as strengths of adopting such a position on one of the most important institutions of the international system.

Discussions of global ethics—about the types of ethical claim made on individuals and groups, not only states, by individuals and groups around the world—have had to move beyond the categories inherited in the International Relations discipline. Many important positions are not captured by a framework developed for discussion of inter-state relations. The blindspots seem to reflect an outmoded expectation that (i) giving low normative weight to national boundaries correlates strongly with (ii) giving more normative weight to people beyond one’s national boundaries, and vice versa; in other words that these two dimensions in practice reduce to one. The paper develops an enriched categorisation. We need to recognise the separate importance of the two dimensions, and thus distinguish various types of ‘cosmopolitan’ position, including many varieties of libertarian position which give neither national boundaries nor pan-human obligations much (if any) importance. This article is an extensively revised version of Working Paper 341, Institute of Social Studies, The Hague.

Social historians of Africa in general, and of Zimbabwe in particular, have learnt how to make use of colonial criminal court records by reading them both with and against the grain. Now historians of Zimbabwe are being presented with another sort of court record. Many of them are on the Britain Zimbabwe Society panel of ‘expert’ assessors of Zimbabwean asylum appeals. They see the narrative statements of asylum-seekers and the counter-narratives of the Home Office refusal letters. This paper argues that read both with and against the grain these case records offer a revealing way into postcolonial interactions. For the Home Office, as for the British Government in general, we live in a postcolonial world in which memories, legacies and responsibilities of colonialism have become redundant. Meanwhile asylum-seekers reassert the image of imperial Britain as a country of justice and fairplay. Taking the cases of Zimbabwean women asylum-seekers the paper reveals the dialogue between these two perceptions of ...

This paper examines the evolution of global governance and the changing position power and authority in the contemporary international system. The paper reviews five recent edited collections which have attempted to grapple with this complex, evolving terrain and argues that for all the growing importance of civil society and non-state actors, states remain critically important components of the new international order. Books discussed: Cooper, Andrew F., English, John and Thakur, Ramesh, (eds.) Enhancing Global Governance: Towards a New Diplomacy?, Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2002, 308 pp. Pbk. ISBN 92-808-1074-X. Ferguson, Yale H. and Jones, R.J. Barry (eds.) Political Space: Frontiers of Change and Governance in a Globalizing World, Albany: State University of New York Press, 2002, 319 pp. Pbk. ISBN 0-7914-5460-6. Hall, Rodney Bruce and Bierstecker, Thomas J. (eds.) The Emergence of Private Authority in Global Governance, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002, 248 pp. Pbk. ISBN 0-521-52337-0. Held, David and Koenig-Archibugi, Mathias, (eds.) Taming Globalization: Frontiers of Governance, Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003, 196 pp. Pbk. ISBN 0-7456-3077-4. Wilkinson, Rorden and Hughes, Steve, (eds.) Global Governance: Critical Perspectives, London: Routledge, 2002, 240, pp. Pbk. ISBN 0-415-26838-9.

Information and communication technology(ies) (ICT) is tipped to play an increasingly enabling role in the inclusion and exclusion of groups from participation in the discourse of ‘development’, with material consequences. In affecting how ‘development’ is framed, discussed and practised, the conception and use of such technologies itself thus becomes an important field of discourse for the analysis of power relations in the ‘developmental’ field. This paper shows how a recent ICT-related initiative by the World Bank Group can be seen as an attempt to replicate its position of strength within the predominant, technocratic discourse of development, to the exclusion of alternative views of technology, and even of ‘development’ itself. Using a method of critical discourse analysis, the paper then examines a recent speech on ICT by the Bank’s president, which provides a detailed example of the way in which existing, macro-level power structures are replicated at the micro-level of discursive practice.

This paper employs a 'political economy of conflict' approach to explore the recent deterioration in the governance of Zimbabwe. It argues that this analytical approach, which has been applied by scholars such as William Reno to highly dysfunctional and/or collapsed states like Liberia and Sierra Leone, is appropriate for understanding the current actions of the Zimbabwean government as well, and especially their relation to the military's unpopular intervention in the recent conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. While Zimbabwe's current crisis has been aptly described by various scholars as a failure of leadership, this paper argues that such failures of national governments in Africa need to be understood within the broader context of international political economy. Zimbabwe's lapses in governance extend beyond the state and the national border to features that have non-state and informal as well as international and transnational dimensions.

Research into sport and international relations represents a growing area of academic study. However, in this period, a gap has emerged in the literature relating to former athletes entering the sphere of politics, highlighting a connection between understandings of power, consumer-based economics, and the cultural phenomenon of celebrity. This article sets out to narrate these ideas by analysing the political rise of Vitali Klitschko, the former WBC heavyweight champion of the world, to the post of Mayor of Kiev. In so doing, the paper explains 'Klitschko's rise to political office by unpacking the relationship between celebrity and technologies of power in liquid modernity by connecting this process of social control to neoliberal economics. Through this lens, Klitschko's role in Ukrainian politics is understood to represent a broader geopolitical power struggle between the synoptic power structures of the West and an authoritarian approach to governance backed by the Kremlin.

The promotion of democracy in developing countries has been at the top of the foreign policy agenda of most western countries in the last decade. This stems from the liberal sentiment that the spread of democracy is the basis for international peace. However, the continuities of power politics outnumber the novelties of the international environment. This paper argues that processes of democratisation cannot be simply understood in light of the role of new concepts such as international legal norms, liberal ideals and economic globalization. Geopolitical understanding is key to explaining both failures and successes of democratizations. The paper highlights how western promotion of democracy is in fact the pursuit of selfish interests and democracy is a criterion that powerful countries apply to serve their national interest. This can be clearly witnessed when accounting for western policies in the Maghreb where the west supports brutal authoritarian regimes for geopolitical benefits. The connection between western regimes and Maghreb reigning elites are examined to demonstrate how the discourse of democracy is replaced by the practice of repression.

This paper examines two inquiries into poverty in South Africa funded by the Carnegie Corporation of New York, the first in the late 1920s to early 1930s and the second during the 1980s. When analysed together the inquiries offer insights into the dynamic relations and tensions between this American foundation, normative science and interpretations of poverty in South Africa during the twentieth century. The paper highlights the common ground as well as the profound differences between the inquiries and the national and international, political and institutional contexts within which they were conducted. It suggests that far from being deployed with confidence and certainty, underpinning both inquiries were contextual, institutional and intellectual uncertainties which were associated with particular visions of South Africa and the United States held by the Corporation and their funding recipients. Reference is made to the strategies employed to overcome these anxieties including the shifting notions of c...

This paper 1 explores some of the reasons for the failure of the international community to act decisively in preempting the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. These are rooted both in long-distant history and in the dynamics of post-Cold War international politics. Drawing on a decade of experience in Central Africa, the author looks critically at the widely accepted explanations of the genocide and its aftermath as 'simply tribal fighting', and considers the role of external agents - journalists and aid agencies alike - in fostering this view. The paper ends with a reflection on the complex challenges posed by 'reconciliation' in the wake of the genocide.

This special issue of Emerging Markets Finance and Trade contains a combination of papers on the pandemic research selected from the “Pandemics: Lessons from an Economics and Finance Perspective” w...

Crises brought about by COVID-19 have provided us with a key set of observations about global power in an era where international relations scholars are close to coming to a consensus in acknowledging the decline of Western and specifically American hegemony This paper adopts a decolonial approach to investigate the impact of COVID-19 on international politics It argues that throughout much of the Western world, COVID-19 has marked one of the first unexpected encounters with death that populations have faced since World War II and the pre-poliomyelitis vaccine era As a result, global health policies mandated by the WHO have been articulated in favour of the West Statistical analysis of death tolls brought about by COVID-19, numerous other infectious diseases and viruses along with associated geographic patterns reveal that quarantine and lockdown policies were carried out at the expense and wellbeing of much of the developing world Contrary to popular contemporary arguments that contend the international liberal order is in decline, the emergence of COVID-19 and subsequent global health policy responses have demonstrated that Western hegemony and soft power are still salient [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] Copyright of Politikon: South African Journal of Political Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use This abstract may be abridged No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract (Copyright applies to all Abstracts )