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In this article, the House of the Italian Tocco is discussed in context with their territories in Greece at the end of the 14th century and during the 15th Century. The authors examine how the Tocco have built up, starting from rather humble beginnings as functionaries, an important territory in Epiros, which they transformed into a medieval 'state', when they were honoured with the dignity of 'Despotes'. The characteristics of their 'state' are analyzed and discussed.

This article gives an overview of the baqt in Nubia, and examines the letter of the Egyptian governor, Musa Ibn Ka'b, to king Kyriakos of Nubia (Makouria and Nobatia). This letter not only brings new knowledge about the baqt and its application, but also generates a number of questions about the baqt itself and the relations between Christian Nubians, Muslim Egyptians and the Bejas. The present article addresses these questions.

This article examines the dogmatic-theological and ethical problems put forward in a number of recent bestselling thrillers of which the intrigues are build around Early Christian Apocrypha or/and modern bio-ethics. The discovery and publication of the Gospel of Judas has—in its turn—contributed to and accentuated some of these problems. A number of questions are posed in this article which sharpen the problems, and answers to the questions are also suggested.

In this article the policy of Pope Innocent III on monasteries in the Byzantine territories, occupied by the Latins after the fourth crusade (1204), is examined. The "constitutional" documents relating to church property are discussed as a basis for Innocent's pragmatic attitude and the development of a policy. From the Pope's letters it becomes evident that the pontiff distinguished between 5 categories of 'existing' monasteries (imperial, royal, patriarchal, episcopal and the ones in Athos), while Western orders (especially military ones) are introduced in the Byzantine territory. Finally, Innocent's reaction to the serious problem of lay usurpation is discussed.

This article examines the ‘pact’ between Caliph 'Umar ibn-al-Khattâb and Patriarch Sophronios of Jerusalem (638 AD), comparing it with other similar agreements. It shows that the Caliph's reaction to the Arab conquest of the Holy City was generous and that he does not deserve the qualification of ‘abominatio desolationis’ (Matthew 24.15 and Mark 13.14.). The analysis of different agreements sheds new light on the status of the different Christians ‘denominations’ and on the presence of the early African Churches in Jerusalem.

This article examines the question whether the territories, given by the Venetians and the regent of the Latin Empire, Henri of Flanders, to Theodoros Branas after the conquest of Constantinople by the crusaders in 1204, can be defined as a “Territorialstaat”. In fact, these grants must be considered within a feudal framework, while taking into account the particularities of the Latin Empire and its precarious situation. It thus becomes clear that the Latins created a buffer-territory against the Bulgaro-Vlachs and Coumans, which cannot be defined as autonomous or independent. Branas's so-called “state” was short-lived and did not survive its “founder”.

This article examines the image of the Axumite rulers (2nd—6th centuries AD) as reflected in their eight Greek inscriptions. Special attention is paid to the royal titles and the royal deeds as reflected in the inscriptions. This makes us to believe that the kings envisaged a Pax Axumitica, not unlike the Pax Romana or Pax Byzantina The Axumite kings projected an image for the Greek speaking world, which was acceptable to that world in order to be admitted to the civilised oikoumene. Nevertheless, the Axumite kings did not leave out their own Ethiopian background, thus successfully-we believe—trying to balance local interests with international prestige.

When Dhu Nuwas, the Judaised ting of the Homerites (Yemenites), persecuted the Christians, the Axumite king, Caleb, invaded Yemen, defeated Dhu Nuwas, and replaced him with a Christian king. Although the main sources give the name of Abraha, this king must have been—in fact—Esimiphaios, Abraha taking power only as result of a coup against Esimiphaios. The coronation ceremony of the first king of the Homerites seems—at first view—to have followed the contemporary Byzantine model. But, a closer analysis of the sources suggests that the Judaic prototype was followed.

In a Flemish poem of the beginning of the thirteenth century, amongst several well-known heroes, the name of Digene is mentioned. Since Hesseling's article in BZ 22 (1913), it has been generally accepted that this hero should be identified with the Byzantine Digenis Akritas, which postulates a Flemish (or French) translation of the Digenis epic. However, there are two other possible identifications: Theagenes (the hero of Heliodoros' Aithiopica) and Degener (mentioned in a Flemish folk song). This article re-examines the arguments of the different theories and concludes that the identification of Digene with Theagenes is, although not certain, nevertheless the most plausible, thus casting serious doubt on the validity of any conclusions which have derived from the Digenis-option.

This article examines and explains the meaning and value of two cryptic songs referring to Nikephoros II Phokas' murder by Theophano and John Tsimiskes, i. e. a satirical song, connected with an enacted diapompeusis and an akritiko tragoudi about Tsimiskes. It also explains why both songs, coming from different strata of the Byzantine populations and different regions of the Empire, have been preserved but became cryptic.

This article examines the epigrams of Agathias Scholastikos, referring to ‘icons’, within the context of the religiosity, art techniques and theology of the 6th century. The conclusions are (i) Agathias' poems reflect the general, popular theological knowledge of his time; (ii) the typology and technique of the icons, mentioned in the epigrams, are different for every case and can be identified; (iii) at least one of the icons was a personal dedication by Agathias, but it is difficult to speculate about Agathias'piety.