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The year 2015 witnessed an important shift in India’s development cooperation, resulting in uneven convergence towards practices associated with ‘mainstream’ aid donors. This is demonstrative of a ...

Fil: González Levaggi, Ariel. Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales; Argentina Fil: Blinder, Daniel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina Fil: Blinder, Daniel. Universidad Nacional de José C. Paz; Argentina Abstract: In September 2019, the partly state-owned Turkish Aerospace Industries (TAI) and Argentine provincial state-owned INVAP officially agreed to co-develop a geostationary satellite. Despite both being developing countries, they have extensive satellite space programs with different stimuli. In the last two decades, Ankara has pushed for the development of a strategic industry in line with its military needs, while Argentina developed the satellite sector as part of broader initiatives to boost innovation and profits. This article examines the intersection of Argentina and Turkey’s space programs by focusing on the goals, scope and dimensions of the geostationary joint project. The central argument is that despite their dissimilar motivations and policy paradigms, bilateral space cooperation in the Global South could be an alternative route to technological growth bypassing the dependence on traditional geopolitical partners and technological providers.

The African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group, established in June 1975 by the Georgetown Agreement, was generally seen as an emanation of the European Union (EU). This article presents a non-EU-centric perspective by discussing various initiatives aimed at fostering intra-ACP cooperation and promoting common ACP positions in international settings. Furthermore, it analyses various threats to the survival of the ACP Group, some linked to its allegedly ineffective performance as an organisation, others related to the rise of competitors, most notably the African Union. Importantly, it delves into the reform process that culminated in the adoption of the revised Georgetown Agreement in December 2019, which transformed the ACP Group into the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS), with the aim of establishing it as a relevant and influential global actor and reducing its dependence on the EU. In revisiting the evolution of the OACPS, this article identifies an intentions–capability gap, specifically between the often grandiose statements of official discourse and the institutional and financial resources devoted to implementing stated objectives.

The article seeks to contribute to the interdisciplinary literature on South–South cooperation (SSC) promoted by Brazil. By delving into both quantitative and qualitative data, the article presents...

Global governance is widely perceived to be ‘gridlocked’, ‘unravelling’, and ‘unfit for purpose’. The legitimacy of old institutions is breaking down, yet new institutions struggle to establish the...

With four out of the five BRICS members belonging to what has been referred to as the global South, it was believed that this would stimulate south to south cooperation. It was seen as a given. Alt...

Since 2006, 50 Cuban doctors have worked in Pacific Island countries (PICs), while 250 Pacific islanders have studied medicine at the Latin American School of Medicine in Cuba, nearly doubling the ...

Chinese geographic imaginaries such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are increasingly treated as taken-for-granted political concepts. The political language pertaining to BRI now overlaps, an...

The increasing popularity of cursory references to the ‘Global South’ across disciplines and issue areas asks for an in-depth engagement with ‘South’-related terminology. I employ Edward Soja’s Thi...

This article attempts to estimate the concessionality of Southern financial flows using the OECD and World Bank methods in case of two major Southern providers, namely China and India. As loans fro...

This article examines the participation of some Chinese migrants in illegal gold mining (known as galamsey) in Ghana, and how the Government’s policy to address the issue created diplomatic tension...

The geopolitics of development are explored through an examination of development assistance to two African countries as a mechanism of competition between China and the US. The processes of compet...

The article reviews several of the main modalities of India’s human resources’ involvement with other developing economies, and especially those in Africa. These involve the provision of lo...

With the rise of the South–South Development Cooperation (SSDC), the international development community has entered into a new paradigm of development cooperation. The Organisation for Economic Co...

The paper engages critically with the increasing importance of South–South cooperation and the shift from African–European to African–Asian interaction. It argues that South–South cooperation is to...

© 2019, © 2019 Oxford Department of International Development. This paper examines the consequences of the hugely successful expansion of South-South Cooperation since the new millennium. For all the achievements, variations and change over the 1950s-late 1990s, ‘SSC 1.0’ was characterised by relative neglect within the 'international' development community, and by many orthodox and critical scholars. In the chronological schema of the paper, ‘SSC 2.0’ refers to the period of remarkable expansion from the early 2000s to the present. The emergence of ‘SSC 3.0’, I suggest, is currently revealed by a discernible set of shifts driven in large part by the expansionary successes of SSC 2.0, as well as other turns in the global political economy. Three contemporary trends are identified: cooperation narratives that are increasingly ‘muscular’, nationalistic and pragmatic; difficulties sustaining claims to ‘non-interference’ in partner countries; and the further erosion of ideational and operational distinctiveness.

While South-South Development Cooperation (SSDC) is claimed to unlock domestically sourced expertise of countries of the Global South to address development challenges in countries with similar pol...

The role of South–South cooperation in peace and security has prompted new questions about how, and to what extent, these ties differ from responses implemented by traditional donor countries. However, little of this literature has taken a directly comparative approach, and few studies exist on the role of such cooperation ties in the security domain. This article helps to fill these gaps by contrasting the roles of Portugal and Brazil in capacity-building of the Angolan Armed Forces. Portugal has long held a central role in this domain. However, that centrality has been increasingly challenged by emerging South–South defense cooperation players that claim to offer different approaches. Brazil, in particular, made considerable inroads with Angola in recent years. How has Brazil engaged with the Angolan military, and how does its approach to compare with that of Portugal? We focus on the case study of the Angolan Navy against the backdrop of emerging maritime security issues while addressing the question of whether or not rising powers can break the restricted club of external security providers in Africa. info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

I focus on evaluating Brazilian development and humanitarian cooperation in Haiti to answer how emerging providers such as Brazil are contributing to global development through cooperation. The paper establishes criteria for evaluation, arguing that global standards for aid effectiveness need to be expanded. I argue that when assessed on ownership, efficiency and sustainability, cooperation holds several advantages and limits, such as misplaced assumptions that Brazil’s approach is appropriate elsewhere. The discussion is rooted in the context of Haiti in order to underline how outcomes are not pre-determined, but rather depend on the model’s interaction with the partner context.

This article explores the power balance between the Moroccan monarchy and the Islamist Party of Justice and Development (PJD) particularly within the field of Foreign Policy, in order to determine ...

India, Brazil and South Africa constitute an important subset of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (BRICS) and emerging powers at large in a shifting global order. The article examines ...

In recent years, China’s overseas investment and construction projects have been developing rapidly. In the meantime, financing demand in developing and emerging economies for projects such...

Although research has examined the Turkish agenda for Africa since 2002, few studies have considered Turkey's uniqueness compared to other extra-regional actors. This study is an attempt to analyze...

As one of the most significant events of the immediate post-colonial period, the 1955 Bandung Conference, officially known as the first Asia-Africa Conference (Konferensi Asia-Afrika), brought together delegates from twenty-nine newly independent states representing more than half the world’s population at the time.1 In addition to recent monographs and edited volumes,2 special issues of academic journals were published in 2015 and 2016 on the occasion of fiftieth anniversary of the Bandung Conference.3 While bringing important insights to our understanding of the Bandung Conference and its legacies, these recent studies have focused primarily on geopolitical, diplomatic, and global social justice issues. There remains a need to critically assess and unveil the dynamics, mechanisms, and impact of transnational flows of ideas and practices about culture, society, economic development, and governance within the Global South, which can be traced back to the mid-1950s. Ministry of Education (MOE) Accepted version This work was partially supported by the Singapore Ministry of Education AcRF Tier-2 Grant entitled “Transnational Knowledge Transfer and Dynamic Governance in Comparative Perspective” [grant number MOE2016-T2-02-87].

The relevance acquired in recent years by South–South cooperation seems to be connected with deeper structural transformations occurring in the international system. However, the variety of coopera...

25 p. The article investigates the motives undergirding the investment of Malaysian firms in Vietnam. It argues that a sizeable portion of Malaysian firms are market seekers exploiting Vietnam’s large, young, and growing domestic market, and natural resource seekers. The article also argues that some of the firms are strategic asset seekers as they collaborate with politically well-connected Vietnamese firms to further their long-term commercial interests. Only a small percentage of Malaysian firms identify themselves as efficiency seekers, which highlights the low organizational and technical abilities of Malaysia’s manufacturing sector. Accepted Version

Foreign aid from China to the island countries of the Pacific has grown rapidly over the last few decades and an expanding body of literature has examined various aspects of what this means for politics in the region generally. This article focuses on China’s impact on Pacific regional politics partly from the perspective of identity politics. It suggests that China has substantially increased its engagement with the Pacific island states by making use of its own identity as a South–South development partner in contrast to traditional (mainly Western) donors in the region. Unlike most traditional donors, however, China’s diplomacy and engagement are based largely on bilateralism, and this is likely to continue for the foreseeable future. This approach could continue to limit its impact on Pacific regionalism, regardless of how it projects its image.

This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis Group in Oxford University Commonwealth Law Journal, on May 2017. Available online at http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14729342.2017.1322850. Under embargo. Embargo end date: 16 November 2018.

This article introduces this collection, which focuses on the economic and political rise of the BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and its implications for global agrarian transformation. These emerging economies are undergoing profound changes as key sites of the production, circulation, and consumption of agricultural commodities; hosts to abundant cheap labour and natural resources; and home to growing numbers of both poor but also, increasingly, affluent consumers. Separately and together these countries are shaping international development agendas both as partners in, and potential alternatives to, the development paradigms promoted by the established hubs of global capital in the North Atlantic and by dominant international financial institutions. Collectively, the findings show the significance of BRICS countries in reshaping agro-food systems at the national and regional level, and their global significance. As they export their own farming and production sy...

This paper focuses on the emergence of policy networks connecting diplomatic, technocratic, research and private actors from Brazil and southern Africa, which are contributing to the socialisation of Brazil’s policy instruments and technical standards in the agribusiness sector. Technocratic dialogue within multilateral arenas, along with technical and economic cooperation, has stressed the significance of the Brazilian experience in the sector, encouraging the adoption of common standards, techniques and institutional frameworks on the basis of the country’s experience. It argues that the consolidation of these networks helps reinforce Brazil’s agribusiness internationally.

South–South Cooperation is an emerging trend in international development assistance. Since 2011, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) initiative in South Sudan has been one of the most comprehensive attempts at post-conflict capacity development through South–South Cooperation, in terms of both scope and level of funding. This paper looks at the well-being of civil servant support officers deployed under the IGAD initiative, and the relationship between well-being and project performance. The paper explores assumptions underpinning South–South Cooperation and seeks to establish a better understanding of well-being and its impact on project performance. The paper also examines whether the second phase of the initiative has adequately addressed various challenges identified in the first phase. The paper finds that well-being, although often overlooked, has been critical to programme success in the IGAD initiative.

India’s embrace of globalization began with the country’s economic liberalization in the early 1990s. This put the country on a trajectory of increasing its weight in the global economy while concomitantly increasing its say in the evolution of the global economic order. This trend has become more emphatic under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, which has been facilitated by the strengthened mandate of his government, his development and growth-focussed agenda and pro-active foreign policy. Two policies that reflect this approach are Modi’s ‘Make in India’ campaign and proclivity for engagement with India’s extended neighbourhood. The former entails attracting investment into India through a pragmatic and omni-directional foreign policy while the latter has translated into a focus on strengthening regional connectivity. Ultimately, India’s approach towards global governance is both distinct and complementary of other emerging powers and reflects the country’s development priorities and unique civiliza...

In this introductory article we examine the recent resurgence of South–South cooperation, which has moved once again onto the centre stage of world politics and economics, leading to a renewed interest in its historic promise to transform world order. We provide an overview of contemporary debates surrounding this resurgence, noting in particular the division between those who are optimistic with regard to the potential of Southern economic development and the project of liberation from Northern domination, and the more pessimistic critics, who see this very success of the South as being subsumed within the existing global capitalist development paradigm.

This essay undertakes to depict, in broad strokes, the evolution, obstacles and main junctures in the history of South–South cooperation. It also suggests some practical and feasible ways for overcoming difficulties, ways that could infuse this aspect of international development cooperation with greater dynamism, more fully tap its inherent and growing potential for the attainment of the practical and systemic objectives that developing countries have for decades been striving for in the North–South development dialogue and negotiations, and strengthen these countries’ influence and role in world affairs and global governance.

Many South–South cooperation programmes have promoted development without fully discussing the implications of that concept. To evaluate this situation, recent heterodox development strategies are examined, particularly those under progressivist governments in South America. It is found that development strategies are certainly plural, but they all share a common pre-political background. To address this feature, the concept of ‘varieties of development’ is introduced. Then a new typology on the disputes over development is presented. Three types are recognised (controversies within a specific variety of development; disputes among different varieties; and disputes on alternatives to all varieties of development). The concept of Buen Vivir is presented as an alternative to development, and disputes of the third type, that involve this concept, are examined. Paradoxically, as the current focus of South–South cooperation is to reinforce conventional varieties of development, it is blocking alternati...

Russia is generally considered to be a so-called ‘emerging aid donor’ since Moscow officially announced, at the G8 summit in Saint Petersburg in 2006, that it wanted to become a donor economy again after it had been a recipient economy for one and a half decades. More recently, Russia’s reception of refugees from south-eastern Ukraine and the Russian humanitarian convoys to resistance-held areas there added new controversy about the nature of its aid. Russia also manifested itself as an aid actor with its proposal to the International Red Cross, to have humanitarian truces in Yemen. The purpose of this chapter is to examine the proportions, characteristics and motives of Russia’s current official and officious policies of international development and humanitarian aid, and compare these with what some authors have identified as the identity dilemma in international relations which Russia has struggled with over the last 15 years, one between becoming a (regional) power again despite a number of lingering ...

Following the onset of the Asian Financial Crisis the world has witnessed a re-accommodation of the global financial system. In the particular case of middle-income countries they have disentangled themselves from the conditionality of the IMF and grown into more assertive actors in international forums, proposing new alternative mechanisms to become more financially independent and for the provision of development assistance. This article critically reviews the new reality by assessing the strategies deployed by developing countries to reduce the IMF’s influence, and explores the potential consequences of the rise of middle-income nations for Law and Development.

Brazil's development cooperation and solidarity discourse have been portrayed as soft power resources. However, few studies have analysed how Brazil implements development cooperation, and soft power theory itself suffers from a lack of empirical evidence. This article looks at the perceptions of participants in three Brazilian projects, particularly how soft empowerment is manifested through the demand-driven and horizontality approaches to development cooperation. I contend that these approaches have produced a positive image among the “recipients”, and I show that their perceptions of development cooperation emphasise the style, rather than the completion, of project activities.

The emergence of India–Brazil–South Africa (IBSA) as a key catalysing agent in the security affairs of the Global South is a development of deep political and strategic significance. Since 2008, the IBSA maritime exercises between India, Brazil and South Africa have played a critical security role in the South Atlantic–Southern Indian Ocean theatre, providing a foundation for a broader, more comprehensive regional initiative. The Southern oceanic littorals, however, do need not just need protection against non-traditional threats, but also a workable model of ocean governance that can revive ‘maritime development’ by kick-starting the regional marine economy and reinvigorating the civilian maritime sector. Doing so will require robust contribution from India, whose maritime agencies are well-placed to play an important security and capacity building role.

This article is a contribution to recent literature on the shape of the polycentric world order. It argues that the Third World remains a valid concept for describing the interests and ideas that shape the foreign policies of many key non-Western states. However, the Third World has changed in a fundamental way. The article describes the historical emergence and contemporary manifestations of a ‘creative’ Third World in contrast to the ‘protest’ Third World of the past. It describes the nature of this shift and how it is reshaping Western leadership. It argues that the main challenge for the West is to create a coherent pluralism in international order that embraces this creative Third World.

How is Brazilian South–South technical cooperation organised, and how does this structure relate to the politics of cooperation? Focusing on the recent surge in Brazilian technical cooperation in Africa, I argue that the organisational structures involved in Brazilian technical cooperation are tightly intertwined with the political motivations behind the provision of such cooperation. Although individual ministries and other government divisions have provided technical cooperation since the 1960s, in the past decade the federal government has worked to harness this dispersed cooperation so as to advance broader foreign policy goals. In addition to helping legitimise the social policies implemented domestically by specific ministries, technical cooperation is increasingly used to bolster the government's global power aspirations and to resist Northern-led efforts to set international development norms. However, this harnessing effort has run into internal and external constraints that cast doubt on the Bra...

The growing influence of the global South in international affairs has prompted a passionate discussion about the role of South–South cooperation (SSC). SSC is sometimes uncritically portrayed as a uniform phenomenon that presents a superior alternative to North–South Cooperation (NSC). To problematise and deepen our knowledge about SSC, this article examines the intriguing case of Haiti, which has seen a wealth of SSC cooperation since the international intervention in 2004. Drawing on extensive fieldwork, the study compares the approaches of two distinct Southern groupings working in Haiti: Argentina, Brazil and Chile (the so-called ABC countries) and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA) led by Venezuela. We argue that ABC and ALBA display marked differences and that, while their approaches have distinct strengths and weaknesses, they do not necessarily represent a fundamental improvement over NSC.

International development cooperation is undergoing fundamental changes. New – or often re-emerging – actors have gained importance during the past two decades, and are increasingly challenging the traditional approach to development cooperation associated with the members of the Development Assistance Committee of the oecd. Their supposedly alternative paradigm, ‘South–South cooperation’ (ssc), has been recognised as an important cooperation modality, but faces contradictions that are not too different from those of its North–South counterpart. ssc providers are highly heterogeneous in terms of policies, institutional arrangements, and engagement with international forums and initiatives. This article contributes to current debates on ssc by mapping the diversity of its actors – based on illustrative case studies from the first and second ‘wave’ of providers – and by presenting and discussing some possible scenarios for the future of ssc within the international aid system.

Institutions are frequently thought of as ‘socialising’ member states into pre-established norms. However, this influence is not necessarily a one-way street; members can also affect institutions, whether individually or collectively. This article analyses the behaviour of two emerging powers – Brazil and China – within the field of international development. What roles have these two states played in shaping global development norms? The article examines the key motivations, positions, and initiatives taken by Brazil and China, with special reference to the UN development system (unds). Whereas Brazil and China’s early behaviour within the unds diverged significantly, in the post-cold war period both have become increasingly interested in – and capable of – influencing UN norms. However, despite greater involvement in UN development negotiations, these countries’ leverage in normative debates originates outside of the unds, through their South–South cooperation programmes. The current diversification of ...

This article discusses the transformation in development architecture, focusing on the role of emerging powers and the growing relevance of South–South cooperation (ssc). Drawing on a conceptual toolkit based on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, it aims to approach ssc as a narrative and to understand the processes of contestation that have turned international development into a battlefield since the end of the 1990s. The article argues that the emergence of ssc has contributed to decentring the field of international development, both in terms of the agents authorised to play and the practices considered legitimate. Within this process the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation, led by the oecd’s Development Assistance Committee, and the United Nations Development Cooperation Forum have become two sites on the battlefield on which the borders of international development are being redrawn.

Over the past decade, power dynamics within the South Atlantic region have undergone significant changes. While the area has historically been dominated by North–South ties, both in terms of material flows and with respect to political influence, more recently there has been a surge in cooperation between developing countries within this space. As trade, investment and other forms of exchange and dialogue increase among actors from within the region (notably between South America and Africa) and with states located outside the region, the BRICS countries become more relevant to the South Atlantic. Individually, they have become relevant players in the South Atlantic's economic, political and security dimensions. Collectively, as inter-BRICS flows and political coordination intensify, new configurations of cooperation emerge within the South Atlantic. These initiatives suggest that rising powers are contributing towards making the South Atlantic – long dominated by North–South ties – a space where South–So...

Background: In recent decades, global health scholars and policymakers have highlighted the burgeoning role of South–South cooperation (SSC) in health, claiming it constitutes a more just and even-handed approach to health cooperation. But the assertion that SSC inherently challenges power asymmetries and pursues egalitarian agendas and forms of interaction merits interrogation. Here we explore a transformative, counter-hegemonic, solidarity-oriented form of SSC – social justice-oriented South–South cooperation (SJSSC) – as differentiated from other types of health aid. Objective: The objectives of this scoping review are: 1) to determine what is known and discussed through peer-reviewed and grey literature about SJSSC in health; and 2) to identify the different features and principles of SJSSC. This review seeks to inform research agendas and identify implications for policy and practice around SJSSC. Methods: We conducted a search for relevant peer-reviewed and grey literature in eight languages and screened abstracts that met inclusion criteria. We carried out a full-text review and data extraction on included pieces and conducted a thematic analysis identifying a set of repeated themes related to the features and principles of SJSSC. Results: We identified 188 publications meeting our criteria. Through an iterative process, we developed two overarching categories: values and strategies. Each comprises four themes that allowed us to map the ideas and practices of SJSSC depicted in the literature. The values mapped are: an anti-hegemonic world view; equity-oriented and redistributive political values; egalitarian terms of cooperation; and reciprocity. The strategies encompass: solidarity-building; health justice approaches; mutual exchange and collective justice; and challenging interests of dominant classes in the health arena. Conclusion: This review rectifies ungrounded claims about SSC by identifying and mapping the research literature on SJSSC and has relevance for the conceptualization, policy development, and practice of equitable health cooperation.

Over the past 10 years Northern aid agencies have made a concerted effort to participate in South–South cooperation. This article analyses the key modes and motivations behind this growing engagement, looking specifically at three areas: multilateral platforms, triangular cooperation and knowledge production about South–South cooperation. Across all these efforts we perceive a concerted attempt to gain legitimacy by emphasising horizontality in the co-construction of knowledge about development. We argue that, within a context of shrinking Northern aid, this engagement is a way to harness South–South cooperation in order to preserve and expand Northern influence, both within and outside the field of development cooperation. This interpretation suggests the need to further examine the ‘bridging’ initiatives and mutual impact of intersection points between Northern aid and South–South cooperation.